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THE 



JOURNAL 



OK 



SACEED LITERATURE. 

Jlem $txm. 



EDITED BY JOHN KITTO, D.D., P.S.A. 



VOLUME IV. 






LONDON: 
ROBERT B. BLACKADER, 

ALDINE CHAMBERS, 13, PATERNOSTER ROW. 
AND SOLO BT 

SAMUEL BAGSTER & SONS, 16, PATERNOSTER ROW. 
EDINBURGH : W. OLIPHANT k SONS. DUBLIN : SAMUEL B. OLDHAM. 



1853. 



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Y^ /;(^^/- 



LOTTDOIt : PRINTED BY W. CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET. 



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THE 

JOURNAL 



OP 



SACRED LITERATURE 

No. VIL — APEIL, 1853. 



THE SCYTHIAN DOMINION IN ASIA 

{Aa recorded hy Herodotus) 

IN ITS CONKECTION WITH JOSIAH'B BXEBCI8K* OP SOYSBRIOK POWSR IN THK 
TERRITOBT OP THE TEN TRIBES. 

It was between the twelfth (cir. 630 b.c.) and the eighteenth 
(624 B.C.) years of his reign that Josiah endeavoured to accom- 
plish a thorough reliffious reformation, not only in Judea, but also 
in Samaria. It had oeen long before announced to Jeroboam, as 
he stood by his recently erected idolatrous altar at Bethel, to bum 
incense, tliat * a child should be bom unto the house of David^ 
JOSIAH by name ; and that he should offer upon that altar the 
priests of the hiffh places that burned incense upon it, and that 
men's bones should be bumed upon it ' (1 Kings xiii. 2). 

The son of Amon did not confine himself to the letter of this 
remarkable prediction ; but, in his character of reliffious reformer, 
he seems to have acted as one of the royal descendants and suc- 
cessors of David, with full and indei)endent sovereigntv within the 
limits of the kingdom of his illustrious ancestor — at least, on the 

* The excellent commentator, Thomas Scott, was strock with Josiah's extra- 
ordinary exercise of sovereign power in Samaria. With his usual moderation, he 
makes the following remaik upon the subiect : * Josiah had evidently some authority 
over a great part of the oountrj which the ten tribes had occupied (2 Chron. 
xxxiv. 36) : but it is not certain whether this was hp grant from the king t^AMayriOt 
or by the wiUing subjection of the inhabitants ; the former however appears the 
more probable.' (Note, 2 Kings xxiii. 15, 20.) 

VOL. IV. — NO. VII. B^ J 

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2 The Scythian Dominion in Asia. [April, 

western side of the river Jordan. For he resolutely and un- 
sparingly desecrated and destroyed idolatry, with its altars and 
priesthood, not only at Bethel, but also ' in tne cities of Manasseh^ 
Uphraim^ and Simeon^ even unto NaphtaW (2 Chron. xxxiv. 6). 
And we read elsewhere, that ' he took away all the ^ high places 
in the cities of Samaria, which the kings of Israel had made to 
provoke the Lord to anger, and did to them according to all the 
acts that he had done in Bethel. And he slew {sacrificed, marg.) 
all the priests of the high places that were there upon tiie altars, 
and burned men's bones upon them, and returned to Jerusalem ' 
(2 Kings xxiii. 19, 20). 

Nothing can be more certain than that the tidings of such a 
scornful and decisive desecration and destruction of idolatrous 
places, altars, and priests in his province of Samaria, would highly 
exasperate the Assyrian monarch then occupying the throne of 
Nineveh, if he were actually , and not merely nominally, the master 
of Samaria at the period in question. He could not but regard 
this violent attack upon idols and altars as heinous sacrilege, and 
an unpardonable insult to his own authority and majesty. And 
consequently (speaking after the manner of men) the throne and 
personal liberty of Josiah, if not his very life, would have been 
seriously endangered. 

Now it is here that a question, not without its interest and im- 
portance, at once suggests itself, and which it is the leading object 
of this essay to discuss. Are we to believe that the reigning 
monarch in Nineveh was actually the supreme lord of Samaria at 
the time of Josiah's memorable desecration of idolatry in that 
province ? Or, is it rather to be inferred that, in consequence of 

^ No mention is here made of such altars as may have been erected throughout 
Samaria, by the GentUo colonists to their various idols. It is however probable 
that all which came under the notice of the king would be destroyed. The zeal 
of Josiah was doubtless especially directed against the * high places' made by the 
kings of Israel, which were only the successive developments of the same spirit of 
guilty disloyalty to Jehovah, manifested by Jeroboam at Bethel, and also at Dan. 
But the establi^ment of the golden calf, with its altar, at Bethel, was the more 
fla^^'ant outraee of the two : as this place was upon the borders of Jndah, at 
no very great distance from Jerusalem, and closely associated with the history of 
the patriarch Jacob. 

It is not credible that Josiah was ignorant of the memorable prediction uttered 
three centuries previously a^inst that guilty spot. And he would naturally feel 
that, while this solemn prediction commanded him to accomplish its literal denun- 
ciation against Bethel, its spirit justified hira (perhaps oallea him to the additional 
task) in overthrowing the idolatry of Israel (should circumstances permit it, 
without detriment to the sovereign jurisdiction of the Assyrian monarch) in all 
the other high places and altars which had b6en subsequently erected in the laud 
of Jehovah, in imitation of the parent allar at Bethel. It is also not improbable 
that (as happened in Hezekiah's reformation) the Lord inclined the hearts of the 
remnant of Israel in Samaria, at least in the neighbouring territory of Ephraim 
and Manasseh, to encourage Josiah, and co-operate with him. 



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1853.] The SejfthUm Dammion in Asia. 8 

some momdBtotts vicissitudes in Assyrian affiiirs, the remote and 
oomparatively obscure district of Samaria had alroady, through the 
mysterious dispensations of Divine Providence, reallv passed from 
tlie hands of the Assyrian kin^? And that the Most High had 
virtually resumed (so to speak) his former immediate eovereignty 
and government of the land of the ten tribes—thus bringing it 
once more under the anti-idolatrous denunciations of the Mosaic 
law ? Nay, that he had virtually again given it (now destitute of 
any earthlv master) to be, for a brief space, under the rule of the 
house of David, to which it had ori^nally belonged. 

Before we examine the page of secular history, let us inquire to 
what inference upon this point the Hebrew records naturally and 
obviously conduct us. Surely, when it is borne in mind that 
Josiah, after his apparentlv presumptuous and unpardonable dese- 
cration of idolatrous worsnip in Samaria, suffered no mdestation 
during the renuuning thirteen years of his reign from Nineveh 
(or fi^ Babylon), it seems almost necessarv to conclude that, at 
the time in questicm, the Assyrian was either too weak, or too 
much engaged with more important events at home, to have leisure 
and ability for the due assertion of claims of sovereignty over the 
£ur distant land of the ten tribes, against the earnest, zealous, and 
oomparatively powerful kin^ of Judah. And this conclusion 
derives ftirther confiimation irom the fact recorded by the sacred 
historian, that, at the dose of Josiah's reign, Phantoh Necho, 
king of Egypt, so little feared the arms of Assyria or Babylon, 
that he did not hesitate to undertake in person a hostile expemtion 
to the banks of the distant Euphrates, when Josiah sought to 
arrest his course, and, in attem^dng to do this, was mortally 
wounded in battle at Megiddo. Doubtless that which most satis- 
factorily accounts fer Pharaoh's venturing upon an expedition so 
rradote, fiJso best explains why the king of Judah had remained 
unmolested during the preceding thirteen years, viz., that Assyria 
was now too weak, and Babylon not yet sufficientlv strong, to be 
r^trded as fcHrmidaUe on the western side of the Eujdurates. 

I shall now endeavom- to confirm frt>m secular history this con- 
dusbn to which the sacred records lead us, and to show that 
at the time when the zealous and pious son of Amon so sternly 
and scornfully overthrew idolatry in the territory of the ten tribes, 
the Scythian invasion cmd dominion in the vicinity of the Em^ 
phnttee and Tigris^ after the overthrow of the Median Cyaxares, 
nad rendered it impossible for the sovereign of Nineveh to punish 
the Jewish king for thus acting as the independent lord of Sa- 
maria, and doing in the most public manner that which would 
certaiidy be, in 3ie highest degree, offensive and insulting to a 
proud and idolatrous Assyrian monarch. 

n 2 

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4 The Scythian I>omnion in Asia, [April, 

In attempting to perfonn this task, let me first briefly notice the 
leading circumstances immediately connected with the Asiatic 
inroad of this victorious horde of barbarians. Herodotus tells us 
that a band of Cimmerians, having been expelled from Europe by 
certain Scythians, gained possession (probably by surprise) of the 
Lydian capital Sardis, witn the exception of the citadel. He adds 
that the victorious Scythians afterwanls followed in pursuit of these 
Cimmerians, and, deviating frt>m the right route, encountered and 
utterly defeated the Median king Cyaxares. They marched as 
conquerors southward (and this fiust implies their successful pro- 
gress through a considerable portion of Mesopotamia, during 
whidi Babylon also might learn to fear their power) until they had 
passed below Ascalon, and had therefore approached the southern 
limits of Palestine. Thev would there find themselves on the 
borders of the desert which lies between Palestine and the land of 
the Pharaohs. Such an obstacle was calculated to check and dis- 
courage rude barbarians, unprovided with means to cross the sandy 
waste. Accordingly, we are not to wonder that the Egyptian 
king Psammitichus, taking advantage of this circumstance, met 
them with prayers and presents, and succeeded in dissuading them 
frt>m proceeding further in that direction. 

These barbarians, after their agreement with Psammitichus, 
returned into the regions of the Tigris and Euphrates, without 
turning aside to inflict injury upon the subjects of the young and 
pious Josiah. The believer in Holy Writ can, without difficulty, 
understand this. Judea was at the time^ under the special and 
covenant protection of the Most High, after whom her youthful 
king had already begun to seek, and in whcmi, as the God of 
David his father, he had placed his confidence and hope. The 
Greek historian gives the following account of the duration of the 
power of the Scythians, and of the manner in which they exercised 
it after their return into Upper Asia.* * For twenty-eight yearSy 
then, the Scythians governed Asia, and everything was overthrown 
by their licentiousness and neglect ; for besides the usual tribute, 
they exacted from each what they chose to impose, and, in addi- 
tion to the tribute, they rode round the country, and phmdered 
them of all their possessions.' As a barbarous horde, they would 
be ill qualified to capture fortified cities, although supreme in the 
open country. And it would seem that, to ue close of their 
twenty-eight years of Asiatic dominion, they were too powerful to 

« It does not leera possible to date the Scjthian adrance to the soath of Palestine 
earlier than oir. 684, B.O., the sixteenth year of Josiah's age. And the sacred 
historian tells us diat ' tn Me eighth vear qf hit reigHf while he aros ffet young, he 
began to eeeh qfter the God ^ David hu father J 

^ Herod, i. 106. 

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1853.] The Scyihian Dammicn m Atia, 5 

be openly attacked ; as it was only by inviting their chie& to a 
banquet, and treacherously slaying uiem when intoxicated, that 
Cyaxares and the Modes succeeded in expelling them from Asia. 
It is sufficiently clear from this sketch of the insolence and 
imnunity of these barbarian conquerors that, in such a state of 
widely-spread disorder and oppression, all formal and real political 
connection between the land of the ten tribes and the sovereign of 
Nineveh mtut have been thor<mghli/ dissolved^ while the Scythian 
dominion continued, Nineveh, deeply humbled, and shorn of her 
imperial greatness, would be nothing more than the capital of the 
Assyrian territory. The lieutenant or viceroy in Babylon* would, 
at the commencement of this barbarian dominion, be intently 
occupied in watching the state of affiurs in his own vicinity, not 
without the hope of ultimately availing himself of the surrounding 
confusion to tlm>w off all subjection and vassalage to Nineveh, and 
declare himself an independent sovereign. And even if a ruler of 
Babylon, revolting frx)m his Asi^rrian liege-lord, had attempted to 
take possession of Samaria, Josiah (as me descendant of David 
and nghtfiil occupant of his throne) might well have deemed him- 

* It U the object of this paper to endeayoar to prove, chiefly on the aathority of 
Herodotus, the contemporaneousDess of the Scythian dominion in Upper Asia, 
with Josiah's religious reformation in Samaria, and the snbseqnent thirteen years 
of his reign. From other sources, however, it is believed that Labynetas declared 
himself the independent sovereign of Babylon, dr. 626 b. c, in the sixteenth year 
of Jo6iah*s reign, and eight years after the last ffreat Assyrian triumph in the 
defeat and death of the Median Phmortes. Laoynetns (who is the same as 
Nabopolasar, the father of Nebuchadnezzar) would scarcely have taken this deci- 
sive tiep until be saw that it could be done with probable impunitr. And on this 
ground it may be safely believed that in 626 b. c (to name the kUest date), Oful 
two years before the close qfjosiah's reltmous reformation, Nineveh had, from some 
cause or other, sunk into an apparently final and hopeless loss of her imperial 
power, and was no loager able to control Babylon, mnch less to exercise sovereisn 
authority in such remote provinces as Svria and Samaria. Let this point be 
examined a little more closely. The defeat and death of Phraortes, 634 b. c, 
would undoubtedly exercise a strong moral influence over the snrrounding states 
and tribes in renewing the fear of Assyria. And even the subsequent victory of 
Cyaxares, a comparatively untried sovereign,, who had recently ascended the 
tlirone, and his commencement of the sie^e of Nineveh, would scarcely remove all 
apprehension that the Assyrian might a^am regain the ascendancy— not to mention 
the probability that Babylon wonid feel a secret jealousy of the rising greatness of 
the ambitious Mede. When therefore the Mede, who had smitten the Assyrian, 
was himself smitten by the Scythian strangers, and these seemed to have established 
themselves in Asia, it may be reasonabhr supposed that Babylon watched the 
course of events during perhaps the first four or five years of Scythian dominion, 
and seeing Nineveh am Media alike humbled, without any immediate prospect of 
recovering what they had lost, ventured to declare herself independent. This 
would prevent our dating the Scythian overthrow of Cjrazares later than the 
twelfth of Josiah, 630 b.€. ; though an earlier dale may be very well admitted, 
even on this view. The subtle barbarians, if they paid any attention to such 
events, would rejoice in the independence of Babylon, and the long war between 
the Medes and Lydians. Their jpowerful neighbours would thus be divided and 
weakened, and their own security mcreased. 

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6 The SctftMan Dominion m A$ia. [April, 

self justified in redsting such an attempt For it was to the 
Assyrian monarch, and not to a disloyal vassal in Babylon, that 
the Most High had given the kingdom of Samaria. And if a 
conflict had ensued, the population of Judea, recruited by many 
years of peace, could have furnished a formidable military force, 
which, at that early stage, the Babylonian might have been un- 
willing, and indeed unaUe, to encounter. 

But with many thou^htfiil English readers even, the names of 
Cimmerians and Scythians, occurring in the annals of this com- 
paratively remote period, will wear a susjHcious appearance, and 
seem to oelong to the realms of legendary tradition rather than to 
those of authentic history. Hence, while trying to show that the 
Scjrthian supremacy in Upper Asia was contemporaneous with 
Josiah's overthrow of idolatry in Samaria, it may be proper, or 
even necessary, to otkr reasonable proof that Herodotus' account 
of the Cimmerian and Scythian invasions is not a legendary exag- 
geration of certain obscure barbarian inroads, bat a p(Htion of 
sober and well-authenticated history. And if these two points of 
authentidty and contemporaneousness can be fiurly and reasonably 
established, it will at once be seen that Samaria had, at the time 
in question, so completely and finally passed from its subjection to 
(or even political connection with) Nineveh, that the pious and 
zealous king of Judah was guilty of no real infringement upon the 
riahts of the Assyrian mcnareh in taking possession of the territory 
of the ten tribes, and exercising sovereign jurisdiction there as 
well as in Judea. 

Let us, then, here inquire into the authenticity of the narrative 
before us. Should it be asked how is it possible to ascertain this? 
It may be replied, what is the test of^ the authenticitv of the 
records of those early times, as given by Herodotus himself? 
We learn it distinctiy from the well-known passage in which he 
tells us that PsammitichuSy on becomim^ master of all Egypt, 
settled his (Asiatic) Greek mercenaries (to whom he was chiely 
indebted for his success) as a colony on the banks of the Nile, in 
Lower Egypt, and near the sea. For he then proceeds to make 
the following important statement : ^ From the time of the settie- 
ment of these people in Egypt, we Greeks have had such constant 
communication with them tnat we are accurately informed of all 
that has happened in Egypt, beginning from the reign of Psam- 
mitichus to tnis present time.' 

Now Psammitichus became sovereign of all Egypt, and settled 
the Greek colony on the banks of the Nile, dr. 670 b.c. : and we 
thus have the assurance of Herodotus that, from this early date, 
all the great public transactions occurring in Egyptian nistory 
were accurately known to tiie Greeks. And it coiud not have 



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1853.] The Scythian Dominicn in Asia. 7 

been earlier than the accession of Cyaxares to the Median throne 
— i. eJ cir. G34 b.c. — that the Scythians were met by Psammitichus, 
and prevailed upon to desist from attempting to enter Egypt ; and 
such an event would be thoroughly known, and excite the liveliest 
interest in Lower Egypt, where the Asiatic Greeks had been 
located. Accordingly, the march of these Scythians to the 
southern limits of Pdestine and the borders of the Egyptian desert 
as conquerors whose name and power were univereally dreaded, 
claims to be received as historic truth, having happened nearly 
forty years after the commencement of accurate and authentic 
Egyptian history in the writings of the Greek historians : and it 
is obvious that this greatly assists in confirming the statements of 
the previous victorious career of these barbarians in Assyria, and 
in showing that they must have passed through Mesopotamia, 
without encountering any successful opposition. 

And in connection with this part of our subject it must be 
remembered that the inroad of the Scythians is very closelv con- 
nected by Herodotus with that of the Cimmerians, the former 
entering Asia in pursuit of the latter ; hence the confirmation of 
either portion of the narrative strongly tends also to confirm the 
other. Now the test of the authenticity of the historical annals of 
these early times given by this writer, and already brought for- 
ward — viz., that wherever the Astatic Greeks possessed the means 
of readily obtaining correct information, their historical records 
may be depended upon as accurate — applies vrith even greater 
force to the Cimmerian than to the Scythian part of Herodotus' 
narrative. This is almost self-evident : for the kingdom of Lydia 
was itself m the immediate vicinity of the Asiatic Greeks^ and 
the Cimmerians are related to have possessed themselves of Sardis 
(the metropolis of Lydia), with the exception of the citadel, in the 
reign of its king Ardys. f This event, as will presently appear, 

' This date of Cjaxares' accession may be proved fipom Herodotus, and the 
calculations of modern astronomy. Dr. Ludwig Ideler of Berlin has calculated 
that an eclipse, registered in the ancient tables, as having occurred in the seventh 
year of Uie reign of Cambyses, happened on the 16th of July, 523 b.c. Hence 
Cyrus was still living on that day of tlie month, in 530 B.C., and died before the 
16th of July 529 B.c. We therefore approximate to the truth, within six months, 
if we name 530 b.c, as the year of Cyrus* death. But Herodotus assures us that 
104 years elapsed between the accession of Cyaxares and the death of Cyrus. 
Add this sum to 530, and we have 634 b. c, as the date of the death of Phraortes, 
and tiie accession of Cyaxares ; which events may be regarded as contemporary 
with the eighth year of the reign of Josiah. 

« Ardys reigned 49 years, and the capture of Sardis most probably occurred 
towards the close of his reign. But we read that his predecessor, Gyges, invaded 
the territories of Miletus and Smyrna, and took the city of Colophon ; all three 
places belonging to the Asiatic Greeks. Ardys himself gained possession of Priene, 
and invaded Miletus. It is possible that Ardys may have been absent with his 
army in the territory of Miletus, when the Cimmerians surprised Sardis ; and that 

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8 The Scythian Domirdon in Asia. [April, 

cannot well be dated earlier (if indeed so early) than 640 b.c., 
t. «., about thirty years after the Greeks had obtained access to the 
authentic public history of the comparatively remote region of 
Egypt. And these Greeks had also a deep personal interest in 
the disasters and successes of their powerful neiffhboup ; for the 
Lydian kings had already commenced a system of hostile aggres- 
sion against the Greek states, some fifty years before the capture 
of Siurdis. These various republics would thus watch with the 
suspicion of conscious inferiority and danger, whatever materiaUy 
a£Pected the powerftd and ambitious Lydian. Hence the capture 
of Sardis, and the unexpected and menacing proximity of a horde 
of barbarians, who might speedily attack the Greeks also, must 
very soon have become matter of notoriety at Smyrna, one of the 
principal cities of the Ionian confederacy, less than forty miles 
distant from Sardis, and whose territory had been invaded by the 
predecessor of Ardys. The important tidings would spread 
rapidly, and become well-known through all the other Greek com- 
monwealths in Asia. If, therefore, we think that the seemingly 
fair and reasonable test of authenticity so decisively proposed by 
Herodotus can be relied on, we may entertain a well-grounded 
confidence that all the great public events in Egyptian, and miu^h 
more in Lydian history, occurring at the period now under con- 
sideration, were accurately known to the Asiatic Greeks. Conse- 
quentlv^ the capture of Sardis by the Cimmerians, their settlement 
near the Euxine in the district where Sinope was afterwards built, 
and their subsequent expulsion by the Lvdian king Alyattes, as 
also the negodations between Psammitichus and the victorious 
Scythians on the southern borders of Palestine, and their expulsion 
from Aria twenty-eight years afterwards by Cyaxares — may all be 

the barbariaos, despairing of masterinff the dtadel.were prevailed upon by g^fts to 
withdraw ; or they may have retreated at the return of Ardys. 

^ One or two additional ptnnts, tending^ to authenticate the Seytho-CiDimeriaii 
narrative in Herodotus, are better added m a note. When he is about to relate 
the expedition of Darius against the European Scythians, he says—* Darius was 
desirous of revenging himself upon the Scjrthians, because thev formerly, having 
invaded the Median territories, were the first beginners of violence.' B. iv. c 1. 
Afliun, in describing the vast preparation of Xerxes to invade Greece, he adds — 
' tnat the expedition of Darius against the Scythians appears nothing in comparison 
with this; nor that of the Scythians, when in pursuing the Cimmerians, and 
invading the Medic territory, they subdued almost all the upper part of Asia^ on 
account of which Darius afterwards attempted to inflict vengeance upon them.' 
B. vii. c. 20. And it is to be remembered that Herodotus elsewhere writes that 
Darius was about twenty years old, when Cyrus died, 530 b. c He was therefore 
bom cir. 550 B. c, t.#. about eighty years after the Scythian defeat of Cyaxares, and 
scarcely fifty-five years after their expulsion from Asia. Again, the eclipse which 
terminated tiie long Lydo-Median war, happened in 610 b. c. By this time the 
Lydians, and throi^ them the Greeks, would be fkmiliar with the great con- 
temporary political transactions in Media. And it was not until after the close of 
the war, that Cyaxares expeUed the Scythians. 



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1853.] The Scythian DomimCn in Asia, 5 

fairly ranked among the best avthenticated historical facts of those 
early times. 

And here it may be permitted to notice a further appearance of 
agreement between the different portions of the S^ho-Cimmerian 
narrative. Had we known nothing more of the Cimmerians than 
that they took Sardis, it might have been thought possible that 
they were only a small and daring band who had gained their 
victory under peculiarly favourable circumstances. But when we 
find that, after such an insult to the' Lydian sovereign and capital, 
they continued to reside in Asia, and were not expelled until 
many years subsequently by the powerftd king Alyatt^s, it may 
reasonably be inferred that the Cimmerians were a numerous and 
formidable host Hence the Scythians, before whom these same 
Cimmerians had fled, may well be supposed to have been suffi- 
ciently numerous and strong to vanquish the Medes, and to retain 
for several years the supremacy in Upper Asia — especially when 
it is considered that there was such a deadly feud between the 
rival kingdoms of Assyria and Media, and that Babylon would 
see with secret satisfaction the humiliation of these two powerful 
monarchies. 

Having thus endeavoured, it is hoped not unsuccessfully, to 
furnish reasonable proof of the authenticity of the Greek histo- 
rian's Scytho-Cimmerian narrative, it remains to state the grounds 
for believing that the Scythian dominion in Upper Asia was con- 
temporary with the great national religious reformation accom- 
plisned by Josiah in bamaria as well as in Judea, and vrith the 
subsequent years of his reign. 

This part of the subject is somewhat more complicated; yet 
Herodotus seems to afibrd sufficient data to assist the inquirer in 
obtaining satisfactory information. It is necessary to approximate 
as closely as possible to the dates, first, of the decease of Ardys, 
and, secondly, of Cyaxares' victory over the Assyrians, with that 
of his own defeat by the Scythians, who thenceforward, until their 
expulsion, were supreme in Asia. For such great events would, 
of course, effectually terminate all political subjection on the part 
of Samaria to the distant and humbled Assyrian, and would leave 
it open to Josiah to act {without any real vrrong to the sovereign of 
Nineveh) as a kingly descendant of David in Samaria. 

Now it is plain that, as the Cimmerians took Sardis before the 
death of the Lydian king Ardys, if the year of his decease can be 
ascertained, we shall know the latest possible date assignable to 
the expulsion of the Cimmerians by the Scythians. The probable 
conclusion on this point from the statements of Herodotus wiU 
presentlv appear to be thdt Ardys died cir. 636 or 637 b.c. — ^the 
latter of the two dates being, perhaps, preferable to the former. 

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10 Tlie SeytUan Ihmmibn in Asia. [April, 

There is nothing, however, sufficiently particular in Herodotus* 
account of Ardys and his successor oaayattes, to enable us to 
determine the jrear in question from this part of his history ; yet, 
as Sadyattes reigned twelve years, if it can be discovered when his 
son Alyattes succeeded to the throne, we shall learn that which we 
wish to know. 

Thus the important point which it is requisite to ascertain is the 
year in which Alyattes became sovereign of Lydia : and this vrill be 
test accomplished by arguing from two entirely indqi)endent dates : 
(1) from the overthrow of Astyages by Cyrus, cir. 559 b.c., and (2) 
from the occurrence of the great solar eclipse, predicted by Thales, 
which terminated the Lydo-Median war in its sixth campaign. 

And, first, the date of Astyages' overthrow (cir. 559 b.c.) is to 
he noticed in order to approximate, as closely as may be possible, 
to the year in which Cyrus took Sardiu, and put an end to the 
reign of Croesus, and, indeed, to the Lydian kingdom : for, as 
Croesus reigned fourteen, and his fether Alyattes fifty-seven years, 
it will follow that the latter succeeded Sadyattes seventy-one years 
before the conquest of Lydia by Cyrus. 

He who reads attentively Herodotus' brief account of Croesus' 
achievements after his accession to the throne (comprising, among 
other triumphs, the complete subjugation of the cities of the Ionian, 
Dorian, ana Aeolian confederacies) will not be unwilling to allow 
that, although his wars were not against remote, but against 
neighbouring states and nations — a period of five years is about 
as ' small (perhaps too small) a space of time as can fairly be 
named even for the comparatively speedy achievement of such 
varied and extensive success. Less than two years cannot well be 
allotted to that season of leidure and prosperity which intervened 
between the close of his wars and the unfortunate death of his 
favourite son, during which Sardis became the resort of learned 
and inquisitive foreigners. The historian writes that Croesus 
continued inconsolable for the loss of this son two yearSy when he 
was aroused frt)m his grief by the tidings of the defeat and de- 
thronement of Astyages, cir. 559 b.c. As Croesus reigned only 
fourteen yearSy and nine of these had thus probably elapsed at the 
time of Cyrus' great victory over the Medes, it will follow that 
cir. 554 b.c. {five years subsequently) is about the latest date — 

I Alyattes, after the Lydo-Median var and the expulsion of the Cimmerians, 
appears to have commenced a system of aggression against the Asiatic Greeks, 
vhich Croesus successfully continued. * He took Smvma, and invaded Clazomcnae. 
From this place he departed, not as he could wish, out ngnally defeated* (B. L c. 
16.^ This latter clause, together with the fact that the Lydians had waged (parUy 
under Sad^'attes, and partly under Alyattes) an unsuccessful war of twelve years 
against Miletus, would make it probable that Croesus experienced much resistance, 
not only from Ephesus, but from other cities of the Greeks in Asia. 

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1853.] The Scythian Daminicn m Asia. 11 

(that of 953 b.c. seems rather possible than probable) — which can 
be assigned, consistently with the narrative of Herodotus, to the 
Persian capture of Sarais, and the consequent destruction of the 
Lydian monarchy. It appears, indeed, to the writer that fully 
ten years may have passed from the accession of Croesus to the 
overthrow of Astyages, and that the reign of Croesus may have 
terminated as early as dr. 555 b.c. 

A similar dnronological result will be obtained (in connection 
with this date of A^a^es' overthrow, 559 b.c.) if reference be 
made to the evasive rejpy which the Delphic oracle returned to 
Croesus, in order to refute the charge of deception and ingratitude 
advanced by him agaii^ its fabulous deity Apollo. The excuse 
offered by the oracle was to this effect, * that the capture of Sardis 
had been delayed by Apollo for the space of three years ; and that 
Croesus had been taken prisoner three years later than the Fates 
had ordained.' It has been argued that these words teach that 
Sardis was taken by die Persians three years after Croesus had 
sent his first embassy to Delphi. And the selMefensive reply of 
the oracle, while it^naturally and obviously admits this exidanation, 
will scarcely allow any other : for as Croesus, and not Cfyrus, was 
the aggressor, the time of commencing hostilities rested with the 
former, who seems to have determin^ to make war, or remain 
auiet, according as the response of the oracle should encourage (nt 
mrbid the hope of success. And on the occasion of his very first 
embassy, the priestess of Delphi could have given such iattering 
and ambiguous assurances as might lead Croesus to hrmg down 
upon himself the early and immecUate ruin of his kingdom. And 
wlien the oracle afterwards returned the well-known response — * If 
Croesus attack the Persians, he will destroy a mi^y empire ' — it 
prorided for a considerable delay l^ directing him, according to 
the dictates of human policy, to form an alliance with the most 
powerful Grecian state : ana even this latter injunction, as the 
priestess craftily refrained itom naming the most powerful state, 
compelled the royal inquirer to spend some time in ascertaining 
the actual state and comparative power of the Lacedaemonians 
and Athenians before he decided upon formii^ an alliance with 
the former. 

Now Herodotus does not seem to say that the Lydian king, 
immediately afler the arrival of the tidings of the rout of the 
Median army, ceased at once from his grief, and sent, without 
delay, his first embas^ to Delphi Croesus ^ appears rather to 

^ Herodotus writes—' The oTerthrow of Astyages, and the growing power of 
the Persians, put an end to the grief of Croesus; and it entered into his thoughts 
whether he ootild by any means cheek the growing power of the PterBians, before 
they becam* ibrmiciable. After be had formed this porpoee, he determined to 

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12 The Scythian Dominion in Asia. [April, 

have hesitated for a time, until thoroughly convinced of the 
growing power and dangerous ambition of the conqueror. Hence, 
according as it is thought that the first Lydian deputation to 
Delphi was despatdied in the firBt or second year — (for the third 
seems altogether too improbable a delay) — after the overthrow of 
Astyages, there will result the date of 555 or 554 b.c., for the 
close of the reign of Croesus. Thus it would appear to be equally 
established both fipom the history of Croesus before the dethrone- 
ment of Astyages, and from the self-justifying reply of the oracle 
to Croesus after his fall, that the year ™ 554 b.c. may, with great 
probability, be regarded as the latest date of the destruction of the 
Lydian monarchy, and that even the earlier date of 555 b.c. 
seems, upon the whole, preferable to that of 553 b.c. 

From this result an approximation is easily made to the year of 
the death of the kinff Ardys : for (as already mentioned) Croesus 
reigned fourteen, and his father Alyattes fifty-seven years ; con- 
sequentiy, seventy-one years before the destruction of Sardis, or 
625 B.C. (the year before Josiah's great passover), will be the 
latest date assignable on this view to the accession of Alyattes, 
and the death of his &ther Sadyattes. But as the latter, who was 
the son and successor of Ardys, reigned twelve years, the year 
637 B.C. (the fifth of Josiah's reign) will be about the latest date 
furly assignable on this view to the death of Ardys, and therefore 
to the entrance of the Cimmerians into Asia, 

And here it may seem unnecessary to endeavour to ascertain 
the year of Ardys' decease from any other established date. But 
as it has been supposed that there is a disagreement between the 
Greek and Asiatic chronology of Herodotus, it seems requisite 
(by reasoning from two independent dates) to show the striking 
accordance between the venerable historian's Lydian and Median 
chronology : for thus it will be rendered highly probable that, if 
a discrepancy can be proved to exist between nis Asiatic and 
Greek dates, the latter rather than the former are to be regarded 
as erroneous. 

With this view, therefore, I proceed to argue from the date of 
the solar eclipse which terminated the war between Alyattes and 
Cyaxares. The calculations of modem astronomy teach us that 
this eclipse occurred in the month of September," 610 b.c. It was 

make trial, as weU of the oracles in Greece^ as of that in Libya, and sent to Delphi,* 
&c B. i. c. 46. 

■* The writer of theinterestine * Life of Cyrns/in the ReKgioos Tract SocieU'g 
monthly series, gives the date of 546 n. c, fbr the Persian capture of Sardis, which 
appears to be quite inconsistent with Herodotus, and would make the accession of 
Alyattes to have been in 617 b. c. 

" The establishment of this date (assuming the accuracy of the calculation) is 
important. For Volney, from conjecture, places this eclipse in 625 B.C, and 

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1853.J The Scythian Dommion in Asia. 13 

in this same year (probably in the spring or early part of the 
summer) that Josiah was mortally woimded while fightmg against 
Pharaoh Necho at Megiddo. 

In reading the account of the reign of Alyattes we learn that 
he carried on at different times two important wars, the former 
against Thrasybulus of Miletus, and the latter against the Median 
kinff Cyaxares. It seems evident firom the narrative that he was 
so mlly and personally occupied with each of these wars, that they 
could not possibly have been contemporary mth each other for a 
single campaign. At his accession to the Lydian throne Alyattes 
continued to carry on the war against Miletus, which had been 
waged during the last six years of the reign of his father Sady- 
attes. This war extended into the sixth year of Alyattes' reign. 
His lengthened illness, after his return to Sardis from his sixth 
campaign, in which his troops had accidentally burned a temple of 
Minerva— the embassy which he was induced to send, in conse- 
quence of this sickness, to the oracle of Delphi— his subsequent 
negociations with Thrasybulus — his arrangement afterwards for 
building two temples, in lieu of the one accidentally burned, to 
the^ Assesian Minerva — all these events combined maxe it next to 
impossible that the second or Lydo-Median war could have com- 
menced earlier than the eighth year of Alyattes' reign : and as 
Herodotus appears to say that tnis king did not fully regain his 
health until tne temples were built, it may not unfairly be thought 
that Alyattes' ntn^A, or even tenth year (provided the known 
length wd circumstances of his reign permit the latter number) is 
a yet more probable date than his eighth for the commencement 
of this second war. 

Nor will this supposition be weakened by taking into account 
the circumstances which brought on the war between the Lydians 
and Medes. Herodotus writes that certain nomade Scythians 
having risen in rebellion, withdrew into Media, where they met 

supposes the Scythian irruption to have occurred immediately afterwards, in the 
same year. The ftict, however (without regard to the subsequent astronomical 
calculation), that, according to Herodotus, the eclipse in qnestion could not have 
occurred ewrlier than the twelfth of Alyattes, should have forbidden this conjecture. 
The same fact appears to be fatal to the hypothesis which gives 546 b. c. as the 
date of the overthrow, by Cyrus, of Sardis. On this yiew, Alyattes must have 
begun to reign 617 B.C., and thus the solar eclipse, of which we speak, could not 
be dated earlier than cir. 605 b. c. 

^ Lareher, the French translator of Herodotus, has the following note— * Assesos 
was a smaU town dependent on Miletus. Minerva had here a temple, and hence 
took the name of the Assesian Mtnerva. This deity was then called the Minerva of 
Assesos, as we say, at the present day, the Virgin of Loretto.' The English trans- 
lator, Beloe, thus comments on these remarks — ' The Virgin, in the Romish 
church, certainly resembles, in all respects, a heathen tutelary divinity; and 
aflbrds one of those instances of similarity between one worship and the other, so 
well illustrated in Middleton's celebrated letter fh)m Rome.' 

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14 The Scythian Dommum m Asia. [April, 

with a friendly reception from Cyaxares : and, as the king en- 
trusted to theur care certain Median youths, not only to learn the 
use of the bow but p also the Scythian Icmgiuxgey it seems probable 
that these suppliants did not belong to any of the wandering 
hordes in the vicinity of the Caspian Sea, but were members of 
that particular tribe of the victorious Scythians who were at the 
time supreme in Upper Asia. These fugitives having, on one 
occasion, been rebuked in very opprobrious language by Cyaxares 
for their want of success in a hunting excursion, were exceedingly 
enraged, and, having taken ferocious revenge, fled to the court of 
Alyattes. He refill to surrender them, wnen called xsfon to do 
so by the indignant Mede, and on account of this refusal a war 
arose between the Lydians and Medes. The negociations between 
the two kings would necessarily occupy some little time. Hence, 
taking into consideration all that has been just advanced on this 
part of the subject, the commencement of the Lydo-Median war 
cannot well be dated earlier than even the ninth year of Alyatte& 
It continued into its sixth year, for the edipse which ei»ied it 
occurred in its sixth campaign. Thus the great solar eclipse in 
610 B.C. cannot &irly be thought to have occurred earlier than the 
fourteenth or even the fifteenth of Alyattes ; and liierefore a later 
date than 624 b.c. cannot well be assigned, on this view, to his 
accession and the death of his father Sadyattes. It may be alec 
added, that upon these data (other circumstances permittiog) even 
625 B.C. would be preferable to 623 b.c. Accordingly, as Sady- 
attes reigned twelve years, the most probable date, on this view 
also, for the death of Ardys, will be 636 or 637 b.c. 

It will thus be seen that the chronological result obtained by 
arguing fr^m the calculated date of the great solar eclipse, and 
the history of Alyattes' wars, is similar to that which had been 
already reached, from considering the brief account of the earlier 
portion of Croesus' reign, the date of Astyages' overthrow by 

^ There seems to be no assignable reason why C^razares should wish anj of his 
subjects to understand the langua^ of those Scythian tribes, whose residence was 
in the comparatiyely unknown regions beyond the limits of the Median and Assy- 
rian territories. Yet motives of state policy might render him desirous of having 
trusty Median interpreters between himself and the victorious horde, from whose 
prowess he had suffered so severely, aud whose expulsion from Asia he was 
desirous, sooner or later, to accomplish. In the instructiye popular ancient History, 
published by the Reli^ous Tract Society, the plain account of Herodotus b 
unnecessarily changed mto the following. ' At a feast, to which the Scythians 
were invited by the Medes, the greater part were cut off in a state of intoxication. 
The Scythians, who were not at the feast, having heard of the massacre of their 
countrymen, fled into Lydia, to King Alyattes, who seo^ived them with humanity.' 
This writer also, perhaps following Dr. Hales, makes t)ie Lydo-Median war com- 
mence G08 B. c, and close 603 B. c. In the same vpUme the Sargon of Isaiah is 
identified with Esarhaddon. Colonel Bawlinson^s discoveries hare shown this 
hypothesis to be untenable. 

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1853.] The ScytUM D<minion w Asia. 15 

Cyrus, and the self-defensive reply of the Delf^c oracle after the 
defeat of Croesus: and it may perhaps be safely said that, to 
assign the date of 625 b.c. to the accession of Alyattes,^ and con- 
sequently that of 637 b.c. to the death of Ardys, is to approximate 
(almost certainly) to the truth within the limits of a single 
year ; and thus, while the M edo-Persian portion of Herodotus' 
history teaches us that the Cimmerians must, in all probability, 
haye taken Sardis before 633 or 634 b.c., the Lydian chronology 
gives 637 b.c. as the latest date reasonably assignable to th£^ 
event 

The writer hopes that the dose, yet unforced, agreement which 
is thus seen to exist between the Lydian and Median chronology 
of Herodotus, affords strong presumptive evidence of the correct- 
ness and authenticity of the historian's Lydo-Median narrative : 
indeed, there is no difficulty in believing that Herodotus obtained 
his numerical statements of the lengths of the reigns of the dif- 
ferent sovereigns of Lydia and Media from credible and authentic 
sources. The visit of Solon to the court of Croesus may be a 
legendary anachronism, or the name of the Athenian may have 
been substituted for that of some less illustrious sage, with suitable 
additions to the narrative ; tradition may have given conflicting 
accounts of the place and manner of Cyrus' death — but the 
duration of the length of the reign of either of these monarchs is a 
subject very far less likely to have been influenced by tradition. 
The recent excavations in the vicinity of the Tigris teach us with 
what minuteness the annals of the Assyrian kings were recorded ; 
and the sacred historian (Esther x. 2) appeals to the ^ Chronicles 
of Media and Persia ' in terms which not only assert their exist- 
ence, but also their accuracy. It is highly probable that Hero- 
dotus, who personally visited Babylon, and ascertained the manner 
of the destruction of Nineveh (B. i. c. 106^), was able, in the course 
of his travels and inquiries, to procure tne numerical statements 
allnded to above from authentic documents : and if later writers 
differ from him, they can scarcely claim for their statements the 



"> Herodotus (B. i. c. 93), says — * Lydia exhibits one work the greatest of all, 
ezeept those of the Egyptians and Babrloniaas. There is there a monument to 
Alyaltes, fktber of Croesos, the basis of which is eooaposed of large stones, the 
rest is a monnd of earth. This monament is six stades and two plethra in cir- 
camference, and in breadth thirteen plethra ; contiffoons to it is a large lake which 
is called the Gygean lake.' We are told by traTelTers, that this mound still exists 
near the lake, at a few miles distance from Sart, the ancient Sardis. ' Dr. Chandler 
conceives that a considerable treasure might be discovered if the barrow were 
opened. Other mounds are found near this, of various sizes, which are conceived 
to have been raised in memory of the ancient kings of Lydia.' If the Turks 
would permit these mounds to be opened, considerable light might be thrown not 
only upon Lydian, but also upon Etruscan antiquities and history. 



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16 The Scythian Dominion in Asia. [April, 

weight of authority which ' seems due to those of the venerable 
father of history. 

Having thus far attempted to ascertain the latest assignable 
date for the entrance of the Cimmerians into Asia, and their 
capture of Sardis, it is necessary to discover the earliest year that 
can fairly be named for the commencement of the siege of Nineveh 
by Cyaxares after his decisive victory over the Assyrians. 

It was cir. 634 b.c. that Cyaxares succeeded his father Phra- 
ortes, who had fallen in an unsuccessful battle against the sove- 
reign of Nineveh : and when we consider the long military ex- 
perience of Phraortes during a victorious career of more than 
twenty vears, and the imdouoted valour and comparative disci- 
pline 01 the Median portion of his army, it may be easily conceived 
that the disastrous defeat of the Medes and death of their warlike 
king must be attributed to the self-confidence of Phraortes rather 
than to any considerable superiorly on the part of the Ninevites 
sufficient to make it requisite for Uyaxares to delay his attenwt to 
take vengeance upon the conquerors. Indeed, the fact that* Fhra- 

' It may be permitted me to add here an apparently striking coincidence 
between the Medo-Pernan chrcmology of Herodotus, and the statements of the 
Holy Scriptures (and, to a certain degree, of Berosus) in reference to the career of 
Sennacherib. He teaches us that om hundred and seventy-nine years elapsed from 
the foundation of the Median monarchy by Deioces, unto the death of Cyrus, cir. 
529 or 530 B. c. It foUows, therefore, that Deioces became the independent sove- 
reign of the Medes, cir. 708 or 709, B. c. And what event so likely to give birth 
to this new sovereignty, as the miraculous destruction of a large portion of the 
Assyrian army in Judea, and Sennacherib's assassination by his two sons, not 
long after, at Nineveh ? Scriptuml chronolo^ is believed to lead to the conclusion 
that the miraculous destruction of the Assyrian host (a fiict which the Egyptian 
legend on the subject of Sennacherib's discomfiture strongly tends to corroborate) 
and the disgrace&l return of the humbled monarch to Nineveh, occurred cir. 710 
B.C. And Berosus affirms, what the Scriptures intimate (and the apocryphal 
legend of Tobit asserts) that Sennacherib was murdered by his two sons in a 
temple, shortly after his return from Judea. 

With regard to Deioces, when the Greek historian tells us that he reigned fifty- 
three years, this may be received as an accurate numerical statement drawn from 
authentic sources. While much that he relates of the previous life of Deioces 
may be considered to be more or less traditional. 

The duration generally assigned to the reign of Sennacherib is about ei^ht years. 
Some writers extend his reign to eighteen years ; but Dr. Hales supposes it to have 
continued only from 714 b. c. to 710 b. c. The period of seven years would 
seem to be confirmed, in some measure, by the recent discoveries of Colonel Raw* 
linson, who writes — * The only copy of Sennacherib's annals which has yet been 
found at Koyunjik, is very imperfect, and extends only to the seventh year. The 
relic known as Colonel Taylers cylinder, dates fh)m one year later.' 

Colonel Rawlinson also appears to have satisfiustorily ascertained that the 
Sargon of Isaiah is to be identified neither with Sennacherib nor Esarfaaddon. 
He considers the name to belong to Shalmaneser ; but Dr. Hincks would identify 
Sargon with Tigkth-Pileser. 

* According to Colonel Rawlinson, 'many of the drawings and inscriptions 
recently brought by Dr. Layard firom Nineveh, refer to the son o^ Esarhaddon, who 
warred extensively in Susiana, Babylonia, and Armenia — though, as his arms never 



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1853.] The> ScytMan DomirUcn in Aifia. 17 

ortes was the aggressor in inyadiiig Assyria, and the subsequent 
utter rout of the victorious Ninevites by Cyaxares, would go very 
far to favour this view : and Herodotus says that the Ninevites, 
although at the time of Phraortes' invasion, ^ still in good con- 
diticm, yet were abandoned by their confederates.' 

Nor, on the other hand, can the Assyrians be thought to have 
obtained so great a triumph over their brave and powerful enemy 
without having also themselves suffered such severe loss as would 
render them imwilling or unable to attempt the conquest of the 
mountainous region and hardy population of Media, whose energies 
would be directed by a leader so formidable as Cyaxares : and 
when it is added that history represents the son and successor of 
Phraortes to have been of great ambition, of consummate military 
skill f(^ the times, and of an impetuous and violent temper, it may 
be reasonably presumed that he would delay as little as possible 
his expedition agdnst the victorious enemy. Revenge, gnef, and 
the n^ of mortified pride, do not calculate the numbers and 
strengui of an enemy with much nicety; and accordingly it is 
probfla)le that Cyaxares, in his eagerness to avenge his mther's 
death, and wipe away tlie disgrace of defeat, at once invaded the 
Asi^n^an territory. He would thus commence the siege of Nineveh 
in the first, or, at the latest, in the second year of his reign, in 
633 B.C., and in the ninth year of Josiah. 

It is not easy to draw any other conclusion than this from the 
simple language of Herodotus : * When Phraortes was dead, 
Cyaxares ms son succeeded him. He is said to have been more 

warlike than his ancestors He assembled the farces of all 

hds suJbjectSy and marched agamst Nineveh to avenge his father and 
destroy the ciiy^ Such language greatly supports the view that 
Cyaxares, exasperated at the death of his father and the disgrace 
01 his country, hastily assembled, immediately after his accession, 
the whole power of his dominions (the popular excitement agree- 
ing with his own\ and very early in his reign successfully encoun- 
tered those who had defeated and slain his fether. At all events, 
the silence of Herodotus on the subject of an Assyrian invasion of 
Media seems fatal to the assertion in the apocryphal book of 
Judith, that the victorious Assjrrian kuig Nabuchoaonosor, after 

penetrated -westward, he has been unnoticed in Scripture history.' It would thus 
appear, as might be expected, that after the death of Elsarhaddon, the powerftil 
dependencies of Armenia and Babylonia with Susiana, ajgain struggled to throw off 
the yoke of Nineveh. It may be observed that these discoveries are not inconsis- 
tent with Herodotus' account of the subsequent victorious career of Phraortes. 
For as Esarhaddon died cir. 669 b. c, and Phraortes succeeded his fiither, Deioces, 
cir. 656 B. c, this interval of thirteen years would afibrd sufficient time for the 
wars of Esarhaddon's son. Indeed these very wars might prevent the latter fh>m 
attempting to check Median attempts at conquest in other quarters. 
VOL. IV. — NO. VII. C 

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18 The Seythian Dominion in Asia. [April, 

his defeat of the Median Arphaxad or Phraortes in the jJain of 
Bagau, ^ became lord of Arphaxad's cities, and came into Ecba- 
tane, and took the towers thereof, and spoiled the streets, and 
turned the beauty thereof into shame.' 

The writer of this essay is inclined to regard the apocryphal 
book of Judith as a mere notion, a sort of historical romance, com- 
posed by a person ill-aoouainted with the true history of the times 
m whicn he has placed nis heroine. If, howeyer, this apparently 
improbable legend could be accepted as authentic history, and 
Ai7)haxad be identified with Phraortes, it would greatly tend to 
confirm the yiew of the early adyance of CyaKares against Nine- 
yeh, which it is here attempted to estabhsh : for tne defeat iA 
Arphaxad or Phraortes in the plain of Ragau must haye occurred 
cir. 634 b.c. ; and in the following year, or at the latest in 632 B.C., 
Holofemes (if such an Assyrian general eyer existed) died by the 
hand of Judith, and his panic-stricken forces, fleeing in terror and 
confusion, were pursued by the Israelites. An opportunity too 
inyiting to be slighted would thus be offered to the exasperated 
Cyaxares for the gratification of his ambition and reyenge as 
early, at least, as the commencement of the year 631 b.c., and of 
which it can scarcely be thought that he did not at once avail 
himself. 

Nor is this all. If the book ^ of Judith contain authentic his- 

* The book of Judith eontains an account of the panic and flight from Palestine 
of a powerful Assyrian armjr, after the death of their leader Holofemes— the name 
is rather Persian than Assyrian, resembling, in its termination, such Persian names 
as Tissa^hemes. If this event really occurred, it must have happened subsequently 
to the reign of Esarhaddon. But the utter silence of the Scriptures on the subject 
of Assyrian aggression in Palestine, after the return of Manasseh firom his captivity 
in Babylon, is strong presumptive evidence against the truth of the narrative of 
the expedition of Holofemes. It is also stated that at the time of the advance of 
Holofemes, ' &e children of Israel that dwelt in Jndea were exceedingly afraid 
of him, (uid were troubled for Jerusalem, and for the temple of the Lord their God: 
for they were newly returned fh>m the captivity, and all the people of Judea were 
lately gathered to^fether, and the vessels, and the altar, and the house were «aiic- 
tified after the prfanation* This seems to be mere trifling. From the captivity 
of Manasseh to the victories of Nebuchadnezzar there did not occur, so &r as the 
Scriptures teach us, any important invasion of Palestine, ftova. the renons of the 
Euplirates and Tigris. And what was the captivit^r here spoken o^ Irom whioh 
the Jews had newly returned ? Manasseh's return is believed to have happened 
about forty years before the time at which Holofemes is said to have besieged 
Bethuiia, and terrified Jerusalem. And if we follow the chronology of the Scrip- 
tures and Herodotus, while we identify Arphaxad with Phraortes, idl this panic at 
Jerusalem must have occurred between tlie eighth and twelfth years of Joeiahs reign^ 

Again, with regard to Egypt. At the time in question, Psammitichus, « 
powerful king, must have been reigning over that country, at least thirty years. 
Vet we are told that the sovereign, then on the throne of Nineveh, sent, as a liege- 
lord to vassals, messengers * to the river of Egypt, and Taphnes, and Barneses, 
and all the land of Gesem, until ye come beyond Tanis and Memphis, and to all 
the inhabitants of £gyptf until ye come to the borders of Ethiopia.' (ch. L ver. 
9, 10.) Is it not difficult to resist the conviction that the writer took these names 

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1853.] The Scj/tkum Dominbm in Asia. 19 

toiy, the actual dominion of Nineveh oyer any portion of the land 
of the ten tribes must have virtually ceased at the death of Holo- 
femes, and the disord^ly flight of his terrified host, fully two year% 
before the beginning of Joaiah's national religious reformation in 
Judea and Samaria. 

It may be presumed, then, with very high probalnlity, from the 
language of Herodotus, from the &ct that Nmeveh had been for- 
saken at the time by her confederates, and was onl^ the capital of 
the Assyrian territory, and from the power, ambition, and violent 
temper of Cyaxares, and the martial temper and long-cherished 
warlike feelings and habits of his Median subjects, that this prince 
did not defeat the Assyrians later than 633 or 632 b.c. But the 
twelfth year of Josiah partly coincided with the fifth of Cyaxares, 
and it is scarcely credible, under all the circumstances of uie case, 
that the Mede waited so long before he marched to avenge his 
fitther's defeat and death : and it is not likely (though perhaps 
possible) that the Scythians delayed their pursuit of £e Cimme- 
rians to the seventh or eighlii year after the flight of the latter into 
Asia. 

And here it may be permitted to notice the probable length of 
the interval between the flight of the Cimmerians and their pursuit 
by the Scythians. As the former cannot well be supposed to have 
taken Sarois later than 637 b.c., if the pursuit had been imme- 
diate, the priority of the Scythian invasion to the commencement 
of Josiah's reformation would, of course, be at once decisively 
established. As, however, the Scythians cannot have defeated 
Cyaxares earlier than 634 b.c., an interval of at least from two to 
tluree years must be thought to have elapsed between the flight of 
the Cimmerian horde from Europe and the advance of the victors 
in pursuit of them. And when Herodotus tells us that the Scy- 

of places at randmn from the Pentateuch, and the predictions of Jeremiah and 
Ezekiel against Egypt ? And what is to be siud of the idea of a powerM monarch. 
Eke Psammitichus, permitting the Ass^an messengers to proceed, apparently 
onmolested, through the length of his kingdom to the borders of Ethiopia? 
Indeed, the writer of Jndith— the name, perhaps, meaning the Jewess — would 
seem to have incongruously blended together certain fiusts and characters in sacred 
and secular history : — ^the death of Sisera b j the hand of Jael — the flight of Senna* 
dierib — the power and despotic pride of Nebuchadnezzar — and the defeat and 
death of the Median Phraortes. And iVom such materials as these, the romance 
of Judith seems to hare been constructed, without any regard to historical 
probability. 

Again, Diodati remarks that the names of the following places, — Esdradon, 
CheUns, Cyamon, ScythopoHs, Bethulia, and others, were not known untU after 
the Babylonian captivity. 

There is one feet, however, which (in connection with the silence of Scripture) 
should at once decide the question. Josephus, the weU known Jewish historian, 
(who would have been too happy to introduce such a narrative, if true — or at least 
to allude to it, if it had been a popular tradition of long standing) is utterly silent 
as to the Terr names of Judith and Holofemes. 

c 2 



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20 The Scythian Dominion in Asia. [April, 

thians, on reaching the territory of the Cimmerians, ^ took pos- 
session of the deserted country,' he appears to teach us that a 
longer space than that of a few weeks or months occurred before 
they marched into Asia : and as we know firom another part of his 
history that the conquerors were accompanied by their wives and 
children, it seems necessary to conclude that they at once estab- 
lished themselves in their newly-acquired lands. Nor is it, indeed, 
likely that the Scythians would ever have set forth in pursuit of 
the fiiptives, without some sufficient motive to stimulate their 
ferocity : and if the Cimmerians had withdrawn into some &r- 
distant part of Asia, too remote for the tidings of their locality to 
have reached the European shores of the Palus Maeotis and 
Euxine, the Scythians would scarcely have imdertaken a wild and 
uncertain enterprise without any clue to guide them even to the 
probability of success," But as the fugitives settled themselves 
upon the Asiatic coasts of the Euxine, it was next to impossible 
that in process of time tidings, more or less correct, of their new 
locality (and even vague and exaggerated statements of their 
success at Sardis), should not readi the Scythian conquerors. 
These, to whom their recently-acquired lands would begin to lose 
the charm of novelty, woidd at length be aroused, in the natural 
restlessness of the barbarian character and habits, and excited to 
attack in Asia those whom they had driven from Europe : and 
considering the comparative difficulty of intercourse in those coun- 
tries at that period, and other circumstances, a space of from two 
to three years may be well supposed to have elapsed between the 
flight of the Cimmerians and their pursuit by the Scythians — a 
much longer period is doubtless possible. Yet it is not well to 
extend this interval too far ; and it may be deemed most consistent 
with all the circumstances of the narrative to suppose that it was 
towards the very close of the reign of Ardys that the Cimmerians 
gained possession of Sardis, and that the victory of the Scythians 
over the Modes occurred very early in the reign of Cyaxares, 
shortly after his accession. 

** If the paranit had been immediate, the Scythians would scarcely have loet, 
so entirely, the traces of such a numerous fugitive horde. Herodotus writes — 
' The Cimmerians evidently appear to have fled from the Scythians into Asia, and 
to have settled in the peninsula in which the Grecian city of Sinope now stands. 
And it is evident that the Scythians pursuing them missed their way. For the 
Cimmerians fled constantly by the sea-coast, whereas the Scythians pursued (Book 
i., chap. 104), keeping Caucasus on the right, until they entered the Median terri- 
tor}', towards the midland. This account is given in common both b^ the Greeks 
and barbarians.' (Book iv., chap. 2.) It must be borne in mind, that, in the imme- 
diately preceding chapter, the historian says that the Scythians coming up, ' took 
possession of the deserted lands.' If the Cimmerians (as may not nnfairiy be 
inferred from the statement, ' that they fled constantly by the tea coatt ') settled 
themselves in the peninsula, before they entered the Lydian territory, they may 
have been a full year, or even more, in Asia, before they surprised Sardis. 

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1853.] The Scythian Dominion in Asia, 21 

There are yet one or two additional considerations which should 
not be altogether passed over in silence. 

In the year that Josiah was mortally wounded, in the battle at 
Megiddo against Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt,* the great solar 
eclipse terminated the war between the Lydian and Medes in its 
sixtn campaign. To strengthen the aUiance between the two 
nations, Alyattes gave his daughter in marriage to Astyages the 
son of Cyaxares. As the Scythian dominion in Upper Asia con- 
tinued twenty-eight years, and did not beffin earlier than 634 b.c., 
it is certain that the Scjrthians — ^and it is nighly probable that the 
Cimmerians also — were still in Asia. Thus the humiliating and 
annoying proximity of these barbarians would doubtless form an 
important topic of conversation between the two kings — of whom 
Alyattes would desire to revenge himself upon the Cimmerians 
for their capture of Sardis in the reign of Ardys ; and the fierce 
and warlike son of Phraortes could never forget that he had been 
himself vanquished, and Nineveh and imperiiu supremacy snatched 
from his grasp by the sudden advance of the Scythian invaders. 
Safe in the mountainous regions of Media from their arms, he 
could not expect that they would permit him to descend into the 
neighbourhood of the Tigris, and undertake the siege of Nineveh, 
without offering serious and dangerous resistance. These bar- 
barians were now the only obstacle between him and the conquest 
of that ancient city ; and the ruling and craving desire of his 
heart would be to remove these formidable enemies with the least 
possible delay consistent with his own safety. The tidings of the 
^byloiiians (recently the vassals of Nineveh) having triumphed 
over the king of Egypt at Carchemish 607 b.c. (as recorded by 
the prophet Jeremian) would stimulate (or rather goad) him to 
the speedy accomplishment of his pm^se.' Accordingly, his 

* Here we see the indirect bat strong agreement between the Scriptures and 
Herodotus. In the former, we find that Pharaoh-Necho did not fear to ven- 
ture upon a march to the Euphrates ; and in Herodotus we see the encourage- 
ment to this enterprise. Nineveh was thoroughly humbled and enfeebled at this 
time — the Mede was entangled in a tedious ana uncertun war with the Lydian — 
and the Babylonian (yet untried) would be redded by Pharaoh as a rebellions 
▼assal of Nineveh, not to be feared by a kin^ of Egypt. Pharaoh would commence 
his march in the spring of 610 b.c.; and it was not tiU the 30th of September 
in that year, that the solar eclipse unexpectedly terminated the Lydo-Median 
war. 

' The following additional, though not unimportant, particulars, are better 
given in a note. It is generally believed that Nabopolassar, the fiither of Nebu- 
chadnezzar, who had assisted in establishing peace between Lydia and Media, was 
present with Cyaxares at the final siege and capture of Nineveh. On this view^ 
as Nabopolassar died in 605 b. c, the Scythian dominion must have terminated in 
606 or 605 B. c. If Nabopolassar was present at the capture of Nineveh, as well 
as at the commencement of the investment of the city, the siege must have been 
speedily terminated — a consideration which indirectly fkvours the prediction of 
Nahum, that the city would ftdl through some unexpected and disastrous occur* 



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22 The Scythian Domvnion m Ana. [April, 

treacherous banquet to the Medes may be reasonably thought to 
have been pven very early after this firesh excitement to his am- 
bition and emulation, and thus 605, or indeed 606 B.C., may be 
about the latest probable date for the expulsion of the Scytmans 
from Asia : and hence 633 b.c. {the ninth year of Jasiah) will be 
the latest probable date for the victory obtained over Cvaxares by 
the Scythians after he had commenced the sie^e of Nineveh. 
Upon the whole, then, it would seem that the following conclu- 
sions may bejudged to rest upon very strong presumptive evi- 
dence : — (1) That as Nineveh was abandoned by her confederates 
when Phraortes invaded her territory in the eighth year of Josiah's 
reign, her hold, even at that early period, could be uttie more than 
nominal upon such distant provinces as Syria and Samaria. (2) 
That, as the Assyrians never regained their power and empire 
after their defeat by Cyaxares, 3iis event, which cannot well be 
dated later than the ninth of Jonahy may be correctly regarded as 
the virtual and final dissolution of allpolitical subjection on the 
part of Samaria to Nineveh. (3) That a later date than the 
tenth of Josiah cannot reasonably be assigned to the commence- 
ment of the Scythian supremacy of twenty-eight years in Upper 
Asia — ^a supremacy which may be said to have given Samana in 
sovereignty to Josiah, and to nave prepared the way for the rise, 
development, and triumph of the impenal power of nabylon under 
Nebucnadnezzar, the son of Labvnetus or Nabopolassar. Hence 
fit>m all that has been advanced in this essay, it may perhaps be 
considered almost (if not altogether) certain, that at least two 
years before the commencement of Josiah's great religious refor- 
mation Samaria was virtually destitute of any legitimate earthly 
sovereign, and that Josiah, in acting with (apparentiy) sovereign 
jurisdiction in the territory of the ten tribes, was guilty of no real 

rence. But, according to Diodoros, it was not until the third year of the 
siege, that the Tigris, overflowing its banks, threw down twenty stadia of the city 
wall. 

We may fi^pose that Cyaxares would, immediately after the destruction of the 
Scythian chiere, invade A^yria. At all events, it seems to be almost certain tli%t 
he revenged his father's death very shortly after his accession to the throne, and 
as soon as it was possible to assemble the forces of his dominions. And this highly 
probable view of what really occurred, leaves no space whatever for the expedition 
of Holofemes into Palestine, and is fittal to the claims of the legend of Judith. 
These remarks, and those in a former note, upon the utter want of authenticity on 
this apocryphal narrative, may not be altogether out of place here, at this season 
of Papal aggression: for, as Mr. Hartwell Home correctly observes — ^* These 
human predictions (the Apocryphal books) were first enrolled amouff the divinely 
inspired writing^s by the assembly of popish prelates and others, who were con- 
vened in what is called the Council of Trent/ And it may be hoped, that a 
candid and inquiring mind, if partially ensnared by the seductions of Romanism, 
may pause in its course, on leamiiu: that it cannot fully submit itself to the Papacy, 
without accepting as canonxccU and dimnely ingpiredy such legendary narratives as 
those of * Judith,^ * Tobit,* and of * Bel and the Dragon/ 

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1853.] The Scythian Domiman m Asia, 23 

mfrinffement upon any aetually exUting Assyrian supremacy and 
authority there. 

Nor, indeed, may we suppose that the Jewish long would have, 
at such a critical period, unwilling subjects in Samaria. As the 
reigning descendant of David, and bearing the divinely-predicted 
name of Josiah, this pious servant of the Most High could appeal 
to authentic historical documents to show that he had received 
authority to desecrate and destroy the altar at Bethel, from a 
mightier sovereign than any upon earth : and what view of the 
suQ'ect, it may be asked, can more readily commend itself to the 
devout and thoughtful reader of Holy Writ than that God should 
incline (as was the case, to a certain ektent, with the eminent 
reformers, Asa and Hezekiah) the hearts of those Israelites who 
were still dwelling in the land of their f&thers, to submit them- 
selves to ttie government of the son of Amon ? Nay, upon learning 
his divinelj-predicted commission against idolatrous Bethel, and 
being convinced in their reason and conscience that all the other 
altars and high places were but the development of the same spirit 
of guilty deparhire from the God of Israel, which, be^ning at 
Bemel, ultimately brought upon Ephraim and Ins fellows the 
Assyrian oppressor — womd they not invite and encourage him to 
carry his holy anti-idolatrous warfare throughout the land, and 
oordiallv co-operate with him in his glorious work ? It is said of 
Asa, ^ that he gathered aU Judah and Benjamin, and the strangers 
with them, out of Ephraim and Manasseh and Simeon ; for they 
JM to him out of Israel in abundcmcey when they saw that the 
Lord his Ovd was with him (2 Chron. xv. 9). 'Fhe scanty rem- 
nant of the tribes of Israel, who, with the descendants of the 
idolatrous colonists, formed at that time the jpopulation of Samaria, 
could not but see and feel that Josiah was owned and f&voured of 
heaven: and He, who thus exalted and protected the son of 
Amon, manifestly appears to have inclined by his own divine 
and secret influence the hearts of this comparatively* scanty 
remnant to the house of David, the temple at Jerusalem, and the 
Grod of their &thers : and even the Gentile colonists (who, through 
the visitation of the lions sent among .their idolatrous forefSedliers, 
had been brought to an imperfect, but decided, acknowledgment 
of Jehovah as the Grod of tne land) would not be indi^x)^ in 
times of general confusion and disorder, when they had become 
Aoroughly separated from Nineveh, to submit themselves to the 

' The existence of snch a remnant in Samaria, in the days of Josiah, should not 
excite sarprise. We cannot suppose that the i^ssyrians utteriy emptied the 
conquered territory of its Hebrew population. And, perhaps, not an inconsiderable 
number of Israelites would take refuge in Judea during Shalmaneser^s invasion, 
and afterwards return into Samaria. 

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24 The Scythian J)ominian in Asia. [April, 

rule of a just and pious king like Josiah, whose aneestors, they 
would be aware, had once been the sovereigns of Samaria, as well 
as of Judea. It is also to be observed that the ScytUflU dominion 
in Asia bears, in some measure, upon the disaatrom defeat of 
Josiah at Megiddo, and the melancholy close of his life and reign. 
If the Scythians had not vanauished the Mede, and establisb^ 
themselves in the regions of tne Tigris and Euphrates, Pharaoh- 
Necho might not have ventured to undertake an expedition to the 
borders of Mesopotamia. The same barbarian triumph and do- 
minion invited (or perhaps almost constrained) Josiah to assume 
the sovereignty of Samana. This increase of power and dominion 
was a strong temptation to lead him unconsciously to depart, in 
some measure, from the devout and humble fear of God which had 
previously possessed his heart He appears, from the comjdetion 
of his reformation to the dose of his reign, to have been virtually 
the sovereign of Samaria as well as of Judea. And when Pha- 
raoh-Necho was marching, on his way to the Euphrates, through a 
portion of the territory of the ten tribes, Josiah, in addition to 
other motives, would naturally resent the act as an infringement 
upon his own regal rights and sovereignty, and would resist the 
Egyptian, not as the lord of the two tribes of Behoboam's king- 
dom, but as reigning over the dominions of his ancestor David : 
and, through an umi^pily blind and culpable self-confidence in 
consequence of the gracious promise that he should be gathered 
to his grave in peace — a promise necessarily conditional upon his 
obedience to the Divine will — he appears to have marched, 
without duly seeking counsel of the Lord, to the plain of Me- 

Jiddo, where he was mortally wounded, and died snortly after at 
erusalem.^ 

The Scytho-Cimmerian narrative of the venerable father of 
history will suggest more than one important reflection to the mind 
of the Christian reader. 

Should we not adore the divine wisdom and power manifested 
in the unexpected provision made for the accomplishment of pre- 
dictions uttered many years previously by the prophet Isaiah to 
the king Hezekiah? ^ Behold, the days come that all that is in 
thine house, and all that th]^ fathers have laid up in store for thee 
until this day, shall be carried to Babylon ; notning shall be left, 
saith the Lord ; and thy sons shall be eunuchs in the palaee of 
the king of BahyUnC (Isa. xxxix. 7). But when we look at the 

* This promise was, howerer, fblfilled in its essential features. For Josiah 
died at Jerusalem in the midst of his friends, without witnessing anj of the cala- 
mities which afterwards befel his devoted country, and was buried in the sepulchre 
of his Ikthers. It is said of another illustrious reformer, Hezekiah, that * God left 
him, to try him, that he might know aU that was in his heart.' 3 Chron. xxxii. 

ai. 

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1853.] The Scythian Dominion in A»ia. 25 

defeat and death of Phraortes, the power of Nineveh seems again 
to reyiye, and the term of Chaldean subjection and inferiori^ to 
be prolonged — nay, when Cyaxares smites the Assyrian, and lays 
dege to his metropolis, all hope of early Babylonian independence 
may seem to have vanished ; for, if the son oi Phraortes had suc- 
ceeded in ffaining possession of Nineveh, Babylon would most 
likely have become a province of the Median, as previously of the 
Assyrian empire; and the fierce ambition, power, and military 
skill of Cyaxares would have effectually overshadowed Asia during 
his reign. And how is this Median triumph to be prevented, and 
Babylon be permitted to rise into independence ? A horde of un- 
known ^ Scythian barbarians, under the overruling guidance of an 
unseen and almighty hand, unwittingly turns aside from the track 
of those whom it is eagerly seeking, and unexpectedly encounters 
and smites the Median conquerors occupied, at the time, in the 
siege of Nineveh. These same barbanans, by their subsequent 
dominion in Asia during twenty-eight years, gave to Babylon the 
opportunity of assuming independent royalty, rising into imperial 
power and greatness, and fulfilling the predictions of the Hebrew 
prophets. It was their victories which so thoroughly destroyed 
H)r a time all political connection between Palestine and Nineveh 
aa to enable Josiah (without wrong to the Assyrian monarch) to 
accomplish the divinely-predicted desecration and overthrow of the 
altar at Bethel, and also to exercise a sovereign anti-idolatrous 
jurisdiction to the glory of the God of Israel, not only in Judea, 
out also in the land of the ten tribes on the western side of the 
Jordan. 

I shall now dose this essay with a brief notice of the prediction 
delivered at Bethel before the first king of the ten tribes : ^ And, 
behdd, there came a man of God out of Judah by the word of 
the Lord unto Bethel, and Jeroboam stood by the altar to bum 
incense. And he cried against the altar in the word of the Lord, 
and said, O altar, altar, thus saith the Lord; behold, a child 
shall be bom unto the house of David, Josiah by name, and upon 
thee shall he offer the priests of the high places that bum incense 
upon thee, and men's bones shall be burnt upon thee ' (1 Kings 
xiii. 1). If the Lord had announced that the future Josiah was to 
wage a triumphant warfare against idolatrous altars and hiffh 
places throughout the land of Ephraim, and rule as a kin^ in the 
territory of 3ie ten tribes, some royal descendant of David might 
have been tempted to anticipate tne divine purpose by presump- 
tuously giving the predicted name to his son and heir. But the 

^ The particular Dame of the tribe is onknown ; that of the Cimmeriaas teems 
aUied to the Gomer of prophecy. 

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26 The Scythian D<minion m Agio. [April, 

desolatioii of the single altar at Bethel, on the very confines of 
Judea, was too unimportant (so to speak) an achieyement to excite 
the attention and ambition of a Jewish king ; and the prophetic 
annomicement appears to have slumbered in comparatiye neglect 
and obscurity. And as Bethel was consecrated in Jewish recol- 
lections as the place where their illustrious ancestor Jacob had 
received the typical vision of the ladder which reached fix)m earth 
to heaven, a much earlier fulfilment of the denunciation might 
have been expected than that which took place three centuries 
afterwards. Vet during that long interval no Jewish king appears 
to have been induced to bestow the name of Josiah upon his first- 
bom ; nor, perhaps, can one be mentioned earUer than Manasseh 
who was likely to do so from private and personal motives, without 
any reference whatever to the prophetic denunciation of which we 
are speaking. But the Most Hi^h ever chooses his own times and 
seasons, without consulting the judgment of man. When, how- 
ever, the appointed time at length arrived, it is very possible that 
neither Manasseh nor Amon was aware that any such threat had 
ever been uttered against Bethel : indeed, it may be well believed 
that the truly penitent and humbled Manasseh would have shrunk 
from the presumption of giving the name, had he been aware of 
the prophecy. And we may readily suppose that Manasseh (un- 
consciously moved by a divine impulse), without one thought of 
Bethel or its altar, in humble and adoring gratitude for his own 
twofold merciful deliverance from Babylonish captivity and idola- 
trous apostasy, proposed that the name Josiah {Jehovah heeds) 
should DC given to his grandson — a name so deeply and truly 
simiificant of the goodness and forbearance of God towards him- 
sdf. And thus would the Most High, by the most simple and 
natural means, provide that the name long previously predicted, 
should, in EQs own due season, be given to him who was destined 
to desecrate and desolate the idolatrous altar and high places at 
Bethel. ' 



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1853.] Th^ SeytMan Dcminim in Ana. 27 



ADDENDA. 

It has been recently asserted that the eclipse which occurred on the 
28th May, 685 B.C., is to be regarded as that which was predicted by 
Thales, and which closed the Lydo-Median war in its sixth campaign. 
The following are some of the lustorical objections to thb hypothesis. 

I. (a.) 480 B.C. is now g^erally considered as the ascertained date 
of the battle of Salamis. According to Herodotus, the Greeks ob- 
tained this victory in the 6th or 7th year of the reign of Xerxes. 
Thus^ fifty years intervened between the battle of Salamis and the death 
of Cyrus, who therefore died cir. 530 B.C. (b.) As Cyrus reigned 29 
years and Ast3rage8 35 years, the death of Cyrus must have happened 64 
years after that of Cyaxares, who therefore died cir. 594 b.c. (c.) 
Hence, if Cyaxares (in whose reign the eclipse of Thales closed the 
Lyod-Median war) died cir. 594, it follows that the eclipse in question 
could not have occurred so UUe as 585 b.c. 

II. If we admit that Herodotus has correctly given 64 years as the 
amount of the united reig^ of Cyrus and Astyages, the eclipse of 585 
B.C. cannot be received as that predicted by Titles. Two questions, 
however, will here naturally suggest themselves, (d.) May we not 
suppose that the reign of Cyrus really commenced in Persia, at the 
death of his father Cambyses, and thus its earlier portion may have 
synchronised with the latter part of the reig^ of A^styages, in which 
case the above interval of 64 years may be sufficiently shortened for 
the admission of the 585 hypothesis ? Herodotus seems positively to 
forbid any such supposition, whatever Xenophon, in his (perhaps) phi- 
losophical romance, may have taught to the contrary. In Herodotus, 
Cambyses is only a respectable Persian nobleman, whose comparative 
obscurity reconmi^ided him to Astyages as a suitable husband for his 
daughter Mandane; and Cyrus himself, in the forced letter which, 
when preparing to revolt, he read to the assembly of his countrymen, 
stated ^ that Astyages had made him general of the Persians.' Nor 
is the language of the historian less decisive on this point, when, 
speaking of t^ defeat of Astyages, he says, ' Cyrus, therefore, having 
been thus bom and educated, came to the throne.* B. 1, c. 130. 

III. We come now to the second question. Is it at all improbable 
that transcribers — even if Herodotus wrote his numbers fully in words^ 
and not in any abbreviated form — may, in the course of time, have in- 
advertently (lor there is no conceivable motive for designed change) 
altered one or both of the numbers originally assigned by Herodotus 
to the reigns of Cyrus and As^ages ? (e.) The length of the reign of 
Astyages. Our present text of Herodotus scarcely permits us to take 
a single year from the thirty-five of this king's reign. This is almost 
proved by the foUowing passage from B. 1, c 130: ^ Astyages, after 

* The battle of Salamis was fought in the sixth or seventh of Xerxes (Book 7, 
chap. SO). Darius reined thirty-tix year; and the united reigns of Cambyses and 
Smerdis amounted to eight years ; in all about fifty years. 



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28 Tht Scythian Dominion in Asia. [April, 

he had reigned thirty-Jive years, was thus deposed ; and the Medes 
bent under the Persian yoke, after they had ruled over^ all Asia be- 
yond the river Halys, for the space of one hundred and twenty-eight 
years, excepting the interval of the Scythian dominion.' There is 
here a slight error of excess, yet not such as to afiect the argument. 
For other data in Herodotus*" teach us that the united reigns of the 
Median kings amounted to 150 years; and if from this number we 
subtract the 28 years of the Scythian rule, we have 122, and not 128 
years, as in our present copies. The mistake, however, whether it 
arose from the inattention of the historian or Ws transcribers, is per- 
haps easily explained ; for as the duration of the Scythian domtnion 
(named in this passage in such close connection with that of the Median 
kingdom) was twenty -eight years, Herodotus himself may (not at all 
improbably) have unconsciously written 28 after the 100, instead of 
the correct number 22. At all events, it may be fairly concluded from 
this passage that, in the original text of Herodotus, the Median king- 
dom was stated to have continued more than 120 years, deducting the 
28 years of the Scythian rule ; and, if the assigned lengths of the 
reigns of the preceding Median kings are correct, this could not be, 
unless we allow Astyages to have reigned at least thirty-four years. 
Thus we have a twofold assertion of the length of the reign of Astyages 
— 1, directly and in express terms; 2, by inference from the whole 
duration of the Median kingdom. It is therefore improbable that 
transcribers should have changed the number originally assigned by 
Herodotus to the years of Astyages' reign, (f.) The following con- 
sideration tends still further to show this improbability. It seems 
certain from Herodotus that Mandane was not given in marriage to 
Cambyses until at least three or four years after the accession of her 
&ther Astyages to the throne. The birth of Cyrus cannot therefore 
well be dated earlier than the fifth year of Astyages ; and even if we 
suppose that Cyrus was not more than 25 years of age (he was perhaps 
nearer 30) at the time of his successful revolt, Astyages must, on 
this view, have reigned thirty years before his defeat and dethrone- 
ment. We may thus feel almost assured that Herodotus originaUy 
assigned 35 years to the reig^ of Astyages. 

IV. The length of the reign of Cyrus. — As Herodotus does not give 
a similar twofold statement of the length of the reign of Cyrus, there 
b room for the supposition of error here, through the inattention of 
transcribers. If the eclipse of Thales really occurred 585 B.C., and if 
we assume (jlhe view most favourable to the 685 hypothesis) that Cyax- 
ares died in the foUowing year (584), we cannot, for the reasons given 
above, weU assign an earlier date than cir. 579 B.C. for the birth of 

^ This is rather looselv expressed. It does not appear that the Median do- 
minion extended to the Halys before the time of Cyaxares (Book 1, chap. 103). 
There is a somewhat similar departure ftx>m strict accuracy in Book 4, cnap. 1 ; 
where it is said that before the arrival of the Scythians * the Medes niled over 
Asia.' 

• Deioces reigned 68 years ; Phraortes 22 ; Cyaxares 40 ; Astyages 35 ; in all 
150 years. 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



1853.] The Scythian Dominion in Ana. 29 

Cyrus, who would thus be about* fifty years old at the time of his de- 
cease in 630 B.C. There is perhaps nothing in Herodotus positively 
inconsistent with this view, though the tenor of his narrative must be 
r^arded as by no means favourable to it. Also, if we consider the 
dethronement of Astyages to have taken place cir. 550 b.c., it is per- 
haps possible, so &r as Herodotus is concerned, that Cyrus may have 
conquered Croesus, and subdued the eastern Asiatic nations previous 
to 540 B.C., when he is generally believed to have commenced the 
81^^ of Babylon : but all this is possible rather than probable. 

y. What has been advanced in the last paragraph rests upon the 
supposition that Cyaxares died in 584 B.C., the year after the eclipse, 
on the 585 hypothesis. K, however (as seems almost capable of de- 
monstration from Herodotus), the Lydo-Median war was terminated by 
the eclipse of Thales before the expulsion of the Scythians, the con- 
Quest of Nineveh, and the reduction of Assyria, it would seem scarcely 
possible to date the death of Cyaxares earlier than cir. 580 B.C. Thus 
the dethronement of Astyages would be brought down to cir. 546 B.C., 
the reign of Cyrus reduced firom 29 to 16 years, and only five or six 
years would be left for the conquest of Croesus and the eastern Asiatic 
nations, if the siege of Babylon was commenced cir. 540 B.C.* 

VI. This important point in the present discussion has been already 
touched upon in the preceding essay, but it deserves further notice, 
(g.) The reader is requested to consider carefully the following quo- 
tation. ' For 28 years the Scythians governed Asia. Now Cyaxares 
and the Medes invited the greater part of them to a feast, and having 
made them drunk, put them to death, and so the Medes recovered 
their former power, and took Nineveh, and reduced the Assyrians to 
subjection, with the exception of the Babylonian district. Having 
accomplished these things^ Cyaxares died, having reigned forty years, 
including the time of the Scythian dominion.' (Cary's Herod., B. 1, c. 
106.) (h.) Will any candid inquirer hesitate to admit that Herodotus 
is here relating events in their chronological order f and that the cap- 
ture of Nineveh was certainly subsequent to the treacherous expulsion 
of the Scythians ? (i.) Look at the words, ^ having accomplished these 
things, Cyaxares died ;' and must it not be allowed that it is the very 
character of the quotation to set forth the Jull and final success and 
triumph of Cyaxares f And thus we seem to be positively forbidden 

^ Lucisn makes Cyrus 100 years old at his death, which is absurd. Dr. 
Prideanz, who follows Xenophon rather than Herodotus, thinks that he was born 
dr. 599 B. c, and that he died at the age of 70. Xenophon writes that at the age 
of 12 years (587 B.C.) Cyrus visited his gnmdfather; and that at 15 or 16 
years of age^ he attended Astyages (584 b. o.) in an expedition against the king 
of Babylon. All this is plainly inconsistent with the idea that Cyaxares was 
alive, and engaged in an uncertain war with the Lydians in 585 b. c. Xenophon's 
silence on tiie subject of Nineveh may perhaps show that he believed the overthrow 
of that city to have hi^^pened before the birth of Cyrus. 

* In one of the three ancient Canons, Cjrms is said to have reigned tkirtif'one 
vears; meaning, of course, his whole reign. In each of the other two Canons, he 
18 said to have reigned nine years, t. e., as sovereign of Babylon. So &r as these 
Canons are trustworthy, they tend to prove that if Cyrus died cir. 530-529 b. c, 
Babylon was taken cir. 538 b. c. 



Digitized by LjOOQIC 



30 The Scythian Bammm in Axia. [Aprils 

to think that the Lydo-Median war — which continued into its sixth 
campaign, ^ and in which the Medes often defeated the Lydians, and 
often the Lydians the Medes' — occurred after the capture of Nineveh 
and the reduction of Assyria, (k.) Again, who were the Scythian 
nomades who caused the Lydo-Median war? 1. They are called the 
Scythian nomades, the very name given to the victorious horde (B. 1, 
c. 15). 2. Herodotus calls the Eastern Asiatic nomades Sacae and 
Caspians. 3. He several times uses the term Scythian, but always of 
European Scythians. 4. The Scythian refugees were directed by 
Cyaxares to teach certain young Medes the Scythian language, a 
direction scarcely intelligible except on the supposition that they be- 
longed to the Scythian conquerors, and that these were still in Asia. 
5. It is not very probable that any nomades would put th^nselves in 
the power of Cyaxares after his treacherous massacre of the Scythian 
chiefe. These considerations would seem of themselves sufficient to 
prove that, so far as Herodotus is concerned^ we must believe the 
Lydo-Median war to have preceded the Scythian expulsion and the 
conquest of Nineveh.' 

Yll. It has perhaps been already rendered highly probable, 1. that 
we are not at liberty to shorten the duration of Ajstyages' reign of 
thirty-five years ; 2. and that the Lydo-Median war preceded the ex- 
pulsion of the Scythians and the conquest of Nineveh. Let now 
Herodotus' Lydian chronology be examined in connection with these 
two points. Astyages (on the 685 view) was deposed cir. 545 B.C. 
Allowing Cyrus to have defeated Croesus four or five years after, cir. 
546 B.C., we have the following result. The united reigns of Croesus, 

' The following, as less decisive, though not unimportant, is added in a note. 
It is obvious to conclude from Herodotus account of the reception of the Scythian 
refugees by Cyaxares (Book 1, chap. 73) that Cyaxares was m Media when Uiese 
suppliants sought his protection, and that he remained in Media during their 
continuance there. It does not, therefbre, seem too much to say that berore the 
commencement of hostilities a^nst the Lydians, there was a ymst't interval cf 
peace, at the least, during which Cyaxares was engaged in no important war. 
But the Scythian dominion lasted 28 years ; and it can be scarcely thought that 
they defeated the Medes near Nineveh later than the close of the second year of 
Cvaxares. Let us suppose the Lydo-Median war not to have conunenced until 
aner the expulsion of the Scvthians, and what is the result? We have, as just 
stated, 31 years of Cyaxares reign previous to this war— add the sir years of the 
war, and we find that 37 years had elapsed at its termination. But as Cyaxarei 
reigned /or<y years, we have only three years left fbr the expulsion of the barbarians, 
the siege and capture of Nineveh, and the reduction of Assyria. Herodotus has 
not mentioned the length of the siege of Nineveh, but must have known it, as be 
promises to describe how this city was taken. The statement of Diodoms Sicnlos 
IS probably not incorrect — that Nineveh was taken in the third year of the siege. 
Were we to allow, what the language of Herodotus (who seems to teach us that 
Astyages ascended the throne in a time of general peace) encourages rather tham 
forbids, that Cyaxares completed his conquest at least some short time before his 
death ; we shall scarcely nave two years left for the transactions just mentioned. 
It is idso plain from Book 1, chap. 106, that the massacre of the Scythian chiefii 
was an introductory measure to the siege of Nineveh. Cyaxares feared to en- 
counter them in open warfare^ and durst not venture upon a second siege of 
Nineveh, while they remained in Asia ready to assist the Assyrians against the 
Medes. 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



1853.] The SeytUan D<ymmim in Asia. 31 

Alyattes, and Sadyattes amount to eigfaty-three years. Hence, if 
Croesus was dethroned in 541 B.C., it foUows that Sadyattes succeeded 
Ardys cir. 624 B.C. ; and thus the entrance of the Cimmerians into 
Asia cannot hiily be dated later than 626 B.C. But, on the 585 hypo- 
thesisy the Scythian expulsion cannot be dated earlier than 584 b.c, 
or their etUrcmee into Asia earlier than 612. There is thus an in- 
terval of thirteen years between the flight of the Cimmerians and their 
pursuit by the Scythians, which is, surely, unreasonably long. Again, 
if Cyaxares died cir. 580 b.c., he ascended the throne cir. 620, and the 
Scythians entering Asia in 612, commenced their rule there about 
the eighth year of Cyaxares* reign. This would seem to be quite in- 
consistent with the spirit of Herodotus' narrative, who says, ' Cyaxares 
assembled the forces ofcMhis suhjectSy and marched against Kineveh 
to avenge his father and destroy that city,' &c. These words would 
lead us to suppose that it was early in his reign that Cyaxares defeated 
the Assyrians, and was himself defeated by the Scythians. 

VIII. Haxxiotus* Babylonian history. — 1. He writes that *the 
Queen Nitocris, when she saw the power of the Medes' growing formi- 
dable and restless, and that, among other cities, Nineveh was captured 
by them, took every possible precaution for her own defence.' This 
surely refers to the restless ambition, not of the Median Astyages, but 
of the Medo-Persian sovereign Cyrus. Thus, afterwards, Herodotus 
writes, when speaking of the final advance of the Persians against the 
city of Babylon, ' that the Babylonians had been long aware of the 
restless spirit of Cyrus, and had laid up provisions for many years, and 
were under no apprehensions for a siege.' The Babylonians would 
scarcely have begun to provision their city until after the defeat of 
Croesus. But if Croesus was dethroned cir. 541 b.c, we can scarcely 
allow less than three or four years for the precautionary measures of 
the Babylonians, or indeed less than five or six years for the conquest 
of the eastern Asiatic nations by Cyrus, in the interval between the 
overthrow of Croesus and the siege of Babylon. 2. As Herodotus 
appears to have carefully studied the Assyrian and Babylonian history, 
we may consider that he expresses himself accurately : hence, I think 
it may be reasonably inferred from the following passage, ^ Cyaxares 
reduc^ the Assyrians into subjection, with the exception of the Baby- 
lonian district (B. 1, c. 106), that Assyria Proper came under the 
power of the Medes, and that, at the time in question, Labynetus was 
much inferior in dig^ty and power to Cyaxares. It would thus seem 
improbable that this Labynetus^ is to be identified with Nebuchad- 

* Previous to the defeat of Astyages, the Persians were an obscure people, and 
Gyms, though a Persian, wonld be regarded as the sovereign of Media ; thos, in 
Book 1, du^. 206, Tomyris, Queen of the Massagetae, addresses him as, < King of 
the Medes.' 

^ Dr. Prideaox identifies Labynetus with Nebuchadnezzar, improbably, as ap- 
pears to the writer. At the same time, it must be allowed that such identification i» 
not impomtihU, even on the 585 hypothesis, however unlikely. For let it be granted, 
that Nebuchadnezzar succeeded his fiOher Nabopolassar cir. 606 b. c. .^sephus 
(Apion, Book 1, $ 21) teaches us from the Phoenician records, that Nebuchad- 
nezzar besieged Tyre thirteen years— from the seventh to the twentieth year of 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



32 The Scythian Dominion in Asia. [April, 

nezzar, but rather with that conqueror's father, Nkbopolassar. On this 
view, if the eclipse of Thales occurred in 585 B.C., it follows that 
Nabopolassar was still living in that year, and that he assisted Syennesis 

his reign. (This was probably, at least in the latter portion,* a blockade rather 
than a regular siege : and as Tyre, being bailt on the sea-coast, would require a 
comparatively small force against it for the purpose of blockade, this kind of war- 
fare might be partially carried on, even during the Chaldean siege of Jerusalem.) 
After ibis, we may presume that Nebuchadnezzar carried on hostilities against 
Egypt; and thus, having been occupied previously to 585, in the direction of 
Syria, Phoenicia^ Palestine, and Egypt, he would not yet have come into any 
unfriendly collision with the Medes, and would thus be at liberty to assist Syen- 
nesis in mediating between Alyattes and Cyaxares. But it is cerudnly difficult to 
reconcile this with Herodotus' statement of the comparative inferioritv of the 
kingdom of Babylon at the time of the close of the Ly do- Median war. And here 
I cannot refrain from offering a few remarks bearing upon the present subject. 
If Nebuchadnezzar really was a verv renowned conqueror, and also the creator of 
the metropolitan grandeur of Babylon, why does Herodotus take no notice of his 
ffreatness ? Is not such silence &tal, if not to the idea of his existence, jet to 
Uiat of his renown ? There is no necessity for saying that Herodotus was silent, 
because he intended to speak fully in his Assyrian history. The authenticity of 
the Scriptural account of the greatness of this monarch is amply vindicated bj 
Colonel Rawlinson, who thus writes — * With regard to Babvlonia Proper, it is a 
remarkable fact, that every ruin from some distance north of Bagdad, as fir south 
as the Birs Nimrud, is of the age qf Nebuchadnezzar. I have examined the bricks 
in nlu, belonging perhaps to one hundred different towns and cities within this 
area of about one hundred miles in length, and thirty or forty in breadth, and I 
never found any other legend than that of— Nebuchadnezzar, son of Nahofidassor, 
king of Babvlon* (Cuneiform Incrip., p. 76.) This does not prove the faUier to 
have been also a king. In another passage, however, Col. K. informs us that, in 
a monumental inscription now in the East India house, Nabopolasar, the lather 
of Nebuchadnezzar, is, in two passages, distinguished as bearing the title of king, 
(Ibid., p. 80.) Another remark is more important, as it tends, if correct, to show 
the possibility of reconciling the Scriptural narrative with that of Herodotus. 
Now the latter writes (1, 104), Mhe Medes took Nineveh and reduced the 
Assyrians into subjection.' Hence at that time, Cyaxares must have become 'the 
sovereign of Assvria as well as Media. But we find that afterwards (1, 188), 
the historian sj^uks of the then king of Babylon, in a manner inconsistent alike 
with the position of the Labynetus, who was contemporary with Cyaxares, and 
with the sovereignty of the latter over Assyria. For he writes : ' Cyrus made war 
agunst the son of this queen (of Babylon, Nitocris) who bore the name of hb 
lather, LAb3metus, and had the entire of Assyria* These words, in connection 
with the previous history of Nitocns, would certainly seem to leach us, that this 
king inherited this empire from his father. Let us put the most moderate inter- 
pretation on this expression — * the empire of Assyria —it will still be too great to 
be applied to the Labynetus, who was the friend of Cyaxares. Accordingly, we 
seem constrained, by comparing together the different passages in Herodotus, to 
believe that, between this Labjmetus and the Babylonian monarch (of the same 
name) whom Cyrus attacked, a warlike (as well as architectural) king must have 
intervened^ 

* This was probably the character of Shalmaneser's investment of Tyre, men- 
tioned by Josephus, from the Tyrian archives (Antiq.^ ix. chap. 2). A venr severe 
blow would be inflicted on the caravan-traffic of Tyre. The A6S3rrian force re- 
quired would be comparatively small, and the whole transaction too unimportant 
to be mentioned in the Assyrian monumental records. There does not, therefore, 
appear to be any reasonable ground for Colonel Rawlinson's doubts on this point. 
' Menander's account of the l<»ig and fruitless siege of Tyre, by Shalmaneser, 
Colonel Rawlinson considers to be apocryphal.' — Outline of Assyrian History, p. 1 7. 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



1853.] The Scythian Dominion in Ana. 33 

of Cilicia in mediating between Cyaxares and Alyattes. Let it be 
assumed that he died in the following year, 584 B.C. His son Nebu- 
chadnezzar, therefore, who reigned forty-three years, died cir. 541, 
about one year (acooiding to the generally received chronology) before 
the commencement of the siege of Babylon by Cyrus. 

IX. The Egyptian chronology. — It is to be remembered that, on 
the 585 hypothesis, the eclipse of Thales closed the Lydo-Median war 
in its sixth campaign, in 585 b.o. Thus this war commenced in 590 
B.C. ; but Herodotus writes that the Scythians entered Asia in the 
reign of Psammitichus, who (according to the generally received 
^Egyptian chronology) died cir. 617 b.c. Hence the Scythian rule of 
28 years cannot have commenced kUer than cir. 618 B.C., nor can it 
have ceased later tlian 590 b.c. If, therefore, it is almost certain from 
Herodotus that the massacre of the Scythian chie& by Cyaxares oc- 
curred after the Lydo-Median war, that war must have been brought to 
a conclusion before 590 b.c., and, therefore, by the eclipse in 610 3.a, 
as we are compelled to choose either the eclipse of 585 or that of 610. 

X. The locality of the last battle between Cyaxares and Alyattes, — 
This is one of the most important points in the present discussion. In 
the eclipse of 585 B.C., the longitude and latitude of the central line 
would be, shortly before sunset, 33° 30' E. long., and 37<^ 46' N. lat. 
The eclipse was tot€il over a tract of country extending 1° lO' N. and 
S. of this line. It is of course assumed that the spot where the battle 
in question was fought was within the limits of the total eclipse ; but 
this cannot be proved from Herodotus. It does not follow that, be- 
cause Syennesis was one of the mediators, the armies were engaged 

intervened^ -who raised Babylon to the pre-eminence of an imperial metropolis, and 
the kings of Babylon into the powerfm sovereigns of Assyria : and this renowned 
warrior could have been no other than Nebuchadnezzar. Again, while Herodotos 
seems certainly to teach ns that a powerful and warlike king of Babylon lived 
between Cyaxares and Cyras, there is nothing to prevent our supposing that this 
kinff was succeeded by a son named Labynetus (the husband of Nitocris) identical 
with the Evil-Merodach of Soriptnre, and, thus, that the Labynetus conquered by 
Cyrus, was the Belshazsar of Holy Writ, the grandson of Nebuchadnezzar. This 
conclusion may be rendered yet more probable ; for Chaldean tradidon says, that 
Nebuchadnezzar constructed the &mous gardens to gratify his Median consort. 
These hanging gardens were made (it is likely) towards the close of his reign, and 
thus, it is not unprobable that the Median princess was queen to the time of his 
death. Now the language of Herodotus (1, 185) appears deariy to indicate that 
Nitocris was not a Median princess. He mentions an Egyptian queen of this 
name (2, 100) ; and in Book 3, chap. 1, he speaks of Nitetis, the daughter of 
Apries. The initial syllable {Nit) may be identical with the name of the l^gyptian 
deity, Neith, Hence it is not at all unlikely, that the Nitocris in question was an 
Egyptian, and not the wife of Nebuchadnezzar, but of his son Labynetus or Evil- 
lii&rodach. This, by implying an intercourse at that time between Babylon and 
Egypt, indirectly &vours the accounts in the prophecies of Scripture, and the 
narrative of Berosus, of Nebuchadnezzar's victories over the Egyptians. Accord* 
ing to generally received history and chronology, (1) Nebuchaonezzar died cir. 
563 B. c. (2) Eyil-Merodach was slain cir. .560. (3) Astyages was deposed cir. 
659. Thus Nitocris might be queen-regent of Babylon in h^ son's minority, when 
Cyrus became kins. She may also have been the queen mentioned in Dan. v. 10. 
It is not improbable that Nebuchadnezzar mav, after the death of Cyaxares, have 
wrested much of Assyria Proper from the Medes. 

VOL. IV.— NO. VII. D^ , 

Digitized by LjOOQIC 



34 The Scythian Dominion in Asia. [April. 

near the northern boundaries of Cilida. On the other hand, two c<mi- 
«iderations would lead to the supposition that the contending parties 
were in the vicinity of the Euxine. 1. Before and after the war with 
the Medes the Lydians were engaged in hostilities against the QretHu 
of Western Asia. But in the £oUowing paantge, which apparently 
describes events in chronological order ^ it is said, ' Alyattes made war 
upon Cyaxares and the Medes ; he drove the Cimmerians out of Asia^ 
took Smyrna, and invaded Clazomenae' (B. 1, c. 16). And where 
were these Cimmerians located ? Herodotus tells us, ^ in the peninsula 
in which the Grecian city Sinope now stands' (B. 4, c. 12). And what 
induced Alyattes to engage in hostilities so &r eastward ? May it not 
be supposed that his final eneounter with the Medes took place in the 
vicinity of the above-mentioned peninsula ? 2. Let us look at Hero- 
dotus' account of a subsequent war between Croesus and the Medo- 
Persian sovereign Cyrus. ^ Croesus having passed the river (Halys) 
with his army, came to a place called Pteria in Cappadocia. l^ow 
Pteria is situated over against Sinope^ a city oft the Euxine Sea. 
When Cyrus had come up, they made trial of each other's strength in 
the plains of Pteria' (B. 1, c 76). Croesus and Cyrus appear to have 
engaged on the eastern side of the Halys^ as Croesus was the agg^resscMT ; 
and as Alyattes seems to have carried on a defensive war, there is per- 
haps nothing whatever ta forbid (should the facts cf history he conclu- 
sive against the 585 hypothesis) the idea that when the eclipse of 
Thaks occurred, the contending armies were on the western side of the 
river Halys, as far northward as 40^ 30, t. e. 1^ 45' to the north of the 
limit of the totid eclipse of 585 b.c. ; whose northem limit near sunset, 
in those regions, according to the careful calculations of Mr. Hind, 
was 37° 46f + 1^ 10, or 38° 56: N. lat. 

XI. In conclusion, I would say that it appears to me unnecessary 
to interpret the language of Herodotus as if he had himself been an 
eye-witness of the eclipse, or were reporting the very words of astro- 
nomers by whom it had been observed. In days when the use of 
artillery was unknown, a degree of obscuration, short of a total eclipse 
at the spot where the armies were engaged in battle, yet producing 
sufficient change in the d^ee of light to arrest the curiosity and 
attention of the combatants and make them pause, by mutual consent, 
in expectation of the approach of entire darkness, would perhaps be 
enough to excite superstitious feelings and the anxiety for peace of 
which Herodotus speaks ;* and the love of the marvellous, combined 
with Oriental exaggeration, would scarcely fail to establish the tradition 
* that day had bemi turned into night.' q.^ 

^ The Lydo-Mediin war had its origin in a desire of revenffe, and not of con- 
quest. It was of an onoertain character—' the Medes often defeating the Lydiaas, 
and the Lydians often the Medes ' — it had already extended into its sixth campaign, 
and both kings were probably wear^ of the contest, and ready to avail themselTes 
of any honooraUe pretext for bringing it to a close. 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



1853.] ( 35 ) 



MODERN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE STUDY OF 
PROPHECY. 

1. The lA^ht of Prophecy ; being an attempt to trace out thereby^ 
the commg JvdgmemU^ and the promises (^ Ghry. By Tho- 
mas LuMiSDEN Strange. London. J. El. Campbell^ and 
James Nisbet and Co. 1852. 

2. Oiservaiims oti Mr. JEUioU's SortB Apoealypticm ; offered to- 
wards r^tdatim^ cf the Historical System of interpreting the 
Apocalypse. By T. L. Stranqb. London. J. K. C8m(J[)ell, 
and Nisbeto. 1852. 

S. The Second Woe; a popular JEapssiHen of the 10th and llth 
chapters of BeveUoioru By Rev. R. Caibns, Minister of the 
Free Qiurcfa, Cupar, Fife. Edinbui^h. Johnstone and Hun- 
ter. 1851. 

4. Baticnale Apooalypticwn ; or a Systematic JEscpositicn cf the 
Apocalypse, with Historical Proqfs and lUmtraiticns. To 
which are added three Appendices^. By the Rev. Alf&eb Je- 
MOUB, Author of a new Traaalation and Exposition of IsaJah. 
2yo1s. 8yo. London. Thomas Hatcfaard. 1852. 

5. Notes^ Explanatory and Practical, ontheBookofBevelation. 
Bjr Ref . Albbrt Barnbs, with Preface, by Rey. £. Hender- 
son, D.D. London. Printed and publisned by Kniffht and 
Son. 1852. 

6. Die Offenhanxng des heiligen Johannes, Von E. W. Hbnq- 
8TBNBERO. 2 yols. Berlin. 1849, 1850, and 1851. 

7. Jtemarks en the Prophetic Visions in the Book of Darnel. A 
new edition^ revised^ and greatly enU^ged; with Notes en Pro^ 
phetic Interpretaticn^ in connection with Popery ; and a Defmce 
ef the AuUimtidty qf the Booh of Daniel By S. P. Tre- 
OBLLBS, LL.D. London. Bagster and Sons. 1852. 

6. A HandrBoohfor the Apocalypse ; being an Utplanation of its 
Symbols, deduced excltisively from their use in other Scriptures. 
Designed for the use of Bible Classes and HxmiUes. lAmdon. 
12mo. James Nisbet and Co. 1851. 

9. The MiUmarian Inquirer. Originally published under the 
title of the ChUiasL By RicflARp Ball. 12mo. London. 
James Nisbet and Co. 1851. 

10. Mw View of the Apooalypsej or the Plagues qf Egypt and of 
JSurope idenUcoL nHh a new Apocalyptic Chart and Diar 
arams. By C. E. Eraser Tytlbr, H.E.I.C. Civil Servica 
Edinburgh. Johnstone and Hunter. 1652. 

i>2 

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36 Modem Cowtribivtiom to [April, 

11. An ExaTmnation of the Sign x?s-', Rev. xiii. 18. By M. Cely 
Trevilian, Esq. Binns and Goodwin. No date. 

12. The World to Come; or the Kingdom of God. By Rev. 
James Cochrane, A.M., one of the Ministers of Cupar, Fife. 
Second Edition. Edinburgh. Paton and Ritchie. 1852. 

13. Aids to Pn^hetic Evumvry. Ist and 2nd Series. By B. W. 
Newton. London. Nisbet and Co. 1849 and 1850. 

14. Prospects of the Ten Kingdom. By B. W. Newton. Lon- 
don. Nisbet and Co. 1849. 

The con8ta:nt publication of commentaries on prophecy — difiering 
greatly in then* schemes of interpretation — is to us a convindng 

?roo^ that the Apocalypse has not yet be^i properly understood, 
t is of the nature of truth to comm^id itself at once to the mind ; 
and as each of these various expositions, which are in the present 
day rapidly issuing irom the press, has its own circle of admirers ; 
we conclude that the right key to unlock the mysteries of pro- 
phetic truth is not yet found. 

Will this ignorance remain for ever? Will the sublime and 
marvellous visions of the Apocalypse continue in the obscurity 
which at present shrouds them ? We think not. If there be any 
truth in tiie word of God, He *• to whom interpretations belong,' 
will, as time rolls on, remove the darkness whicn now conceals me 
meaning of prophecy from our gaze \ and fulfil by the teachins' of 
his Spirit the promise lon^ since given to Daniel, ' the wicked 
shall not understand ; buttiie wise shall understand.' 

The author of * The Light of Prophecy/ — a goodly octavo of 
400 pages — devotes the first part of the work to the Prophecies 
of the destruction of Ancient ^bylon ; which, he contends, have 
nevCT yet received their accomplishment He of course admits, 
tiiat the city has be^n totally destroyed ; but he spedfies several 
particulars, in the predictions of its overthrow, which, in his 
opinion, have never taken place. The necessary inference then 
follows — tiiat Babylon will yet again be rebuilt, in all its ancient 
spJendour; and then, suddenly, ^be utterly burned with fire' 
(Key. xvii. 8). 

Mr. Strange's mistake, we apprehend, arises from overlooking' 
the fetct that the Old Testament prophecies against Babylon have 
a wider si^fication than the mere uteral city of that name ; and 
embrace, m their full and final accomplishment, ^Babylon the 
Great, the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth.' This 
is evident, we think, from the numerous parallelisms that may be 
traced between the fiftieth and fifty-first cnapters of Jeremiah and 
the eighteenth chapter of the Revelation. Mr. Strange of course 
denies that the term Babylon can mean anything but the actual 



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J853.] the StwSif of Pr&pUcjf^ ST 

dty itself; but, with all who view the term as significant of Papal 
Borne, which for the last six hundred years has been * drunKen 
with liie blood of the saints, and with the blood of the martyrs of 
Jesus ' (Rev. xvii. 6) — witii all such, we say, the argumaits of 
Mr. Strange possess no weight ; for in her destruction, as detailed 
in tke eighteenth chapter of the Apocalypse, all those features of 
the Old Testament prophecies agauist her will receive a full and 
final accomplishment 

The second i»rt of Mr. Strange's work is entitled * The, F&ur 
Great Kings of Babylon' (pp. 77-182). In this chapter the author 
endeavours to prove, that iJ^ieFs firar beasts (chap. viL) are not, as 
ooinmentat(H« nave universally believed, the four great empires of 
Babylon, Persia, Greece, and Rome, but— /our kings of Babylcnl 
His language is this : — ' These great beasts, it is said, are four 
kinffs. Travel out of the number of the kings j and we travel out 
of ue number of tiie heaets.' Accordingly he makes out, to his 
own satisfeution at least, not only that Cyrus was a Babylonian 
king, but even Alexander the Great, although the latter is dis- 
tin^y styled in Scripture the kin^ of Greda. The other fourth 
beast is also to be a Babylonian km^ — the future Antichrist, who 
will reign there at its restoration. We think one verse of Scripture 
is sufficient to overturn this strange hypothesis. In the twenty- 
third verse of Daniel's seventh diapter it is said — ^ The fourth beast 
is the fourth kingdom which shall arise.' Now, if it is the fourth 
kingdom it cannot be the first ; but the first was the kingdom of 
Babylon, as Mr. Strange allows, hence the fourth is no^ t£e king- 
dom of Babylon, but some different power. Again, let him look 
at Rev. xvii. 9, 10 : ^ And the seven heads are seven mountains, 
&C. ; and there are seven kings, five are fallen and one is, and the 
other is not yet come.' Here the angel, interpreting the meaning 
of the vision, distinctly states that at the perira of their discourse, 
five of these kings had already come and gone — ^ five are fallen,' 
and another then made his aj^iearance; but according to Mr. 
Strange, Daniel's fourth beast, which is coeval, he says, with this 
beast, has not yet manifested itsd£ The hypothesis is evidentiy 
then devoid of truth. 

In the course of this, and also the next part, * The return of 
Jesus, and the times of the Antichrist,' Mr. Strange informs ua 
what are his views of Apocaljrptic interpretation. From his re- 
marks it is evident that — while adopting the theory that the visions 
of that mysterious book are literal in their si^ification, and future 
in their fulfilment — he yet differs on many unportant points firom 
the other futurist expositors. 

The first seal, the going forth of the rider on the white horse, 
according to Mr. Strrage, represents the advent of Christ for his 

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38 Modem Contr3natom to [April) 

saints, when they are ^ caught up to meet the Lord in the air ;' 
and he places, rightly, this seal before all the rest of the book in 
point oftime : hence the people of God enjoy an immunity from 
all the fearfiil evils and juogments which the Apocalypse contains^ 

But if this be true, how are we to reconcile the tact with the 
sole object for which ^s sacred book was given —^ to make known 
unto Uod's servants Ae things which must shortly come to 
pass ' (Rev. i. 1) ? If they are to be snatched away from the 
scene of these fearftd plagues — ^if they will have done for ever 
with the present state, long before the manifestation of the Anti«> 
Christ, and the infliction of the terrific judgments whidii are to cha-* 
racterise the last days, the saints have no personal interest in the 
matter; and this sublime and mysterious book is given them 
merely to gratify an idle curiosity. If it be said, that the Apoca- 
lypse was given for the benefit of certain Jews who are to be ocm- 
verted in these latter days, we reply, that this notion is altogether 
opposed to the plain statement of Scripture, in whidi the general 
term * his servamta * is used : — * TJie Mwdatian of JemiM ChrigL, 
which Ghd gave unto kim^ to shew unto hi$ servcmta things which 
must shortly come to pcuss.^ (Rev. i. 1.) 

Besides, what an incongruous rq)resentation is this first seal, of 
a personal advent of the Saviour to fetch his ransomed people ! — 
a single rider on a white horse, with simidy a crown and a. bow I 
Who can believe that we have here a prediction of CSirist's second 
cominff ? Will he then come thus alone, and unattended ? The 
Apostte Paul, speaking of this very advent, says, ^ The Lord him-> 
self shall descend from heaven, with a dbiout, with the voice of 
the archangel, and with the trump of God ' (1 Thees. iv. 16). 
Will this second coming of the Lonl to fetch hcnne his people w 
less glorious than what Mr. Strange denominates his third advent 
to smite the nations (Rev. xix. 11^ ? If not, where in this vision 
are the armies in heaven which will then ^ follow him on white 
horses ' ? Where, too, are the * mcmy crowns ' which will th«i 
adorn his brow (ver. 12) ? 

Mr. Strange interprets the remaining seals, as wdl as the 
trumpets, as so many inflictions of divine judgment on a guilty: 
worm. Now we must say that it certainly appears to us most im- 
probable, and in fact contrary to die general course of the divine 
procedure, to reveal sudi terrible judgments as tibese are allowed 
to be, without first clearly stating the sins in visitation of which 
they are sent. Let the reieuier just reflect, for one moment, on the- 
tremendous and unparalleled plagues whidi are involved, according 
to Mr. Strange's tneory, in the last six seals and die trumpets. 
First, there is a series of judgments consisting of war and femine 
(second and third seals); then we read of one-feurth of the human; 



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1853,] th4 StiMlif of Prophecy. 3». 

race bang visited with sudden destruction by means of the swotd, 
peatil^ioe, femine, and wild beasts (fourth seied). Soon afterwards 
the sixth seal op^os, and lo I im earthquake takes place. The 
stars of heaven literally fedl to the earth ; the heavens pass away, 
and every mountain and island are moved from their places. The 
judgment of the seventh seal then follows^ and is succeeded by a 
frew s^es of plaguesr-tiie trumpeits. Here the grass and trees 
of the earth are burnt up ; the third part of the sea oecomes blood ; 
a star falls from heaven, and embitters the waters, and all that 
drink of them die ; the smi and moon and stairs are smitten, so as 
only partially to shine ; the bottomless pit is opened, and a host 
of furious devik, shaped like locusts, torment mankind five months, 
and these are followed by a host of still more dreadful fiends on 
hcNTses, which bekh out fire and smoke and brimstone, and literally 
destrov the third <tf mankindl 

SimJi are the terriUe catalogue of plagues which are, as Mr. 
Strange beUeves, predicted in ue sixth and three following chap- 
ters oi the Apocalypse, without one word being said, untu all is 
over, of the nature of the crimes which have called down such 
heavy judgments. We believe, that such a course of procedure 
is altogether unprecedented in Uie Word of God. If, on the other 
hand, we view tne second, third, and fourth seals with Vitringa, 
Woodhouse, Cuningfaame, and others, as emblematical of so many 
stages in that corruption of Christianity which is termed Romanism, 
we have more than enough to account for all the woes denounced 
by the trumpets ; and no stronger confirmation of this view, per* 
haps, can be desired, than the announcement at the dose of the 
sixth tnnnpet : — ^ And the rest of the men which were not killed by 
these plagues yet repented not of the works of their hands, that 
they shomd not worship devils, and idols of gold, and silver, and 
Iwass, and stone, and of wood : whidi neither can see, nor hear, 
nor walk : Neither repented they of their murders, nor of their 
sorceries, nor of their mmication, nor of their thefts ' (Rev. ix. 20, 
21). If the fourth seal be interpreted, with the above-named ex* 
positors, as descriptive of the isarfiil wickedness of the Papacy 
during the noontiae of its power, then will the passage just dted 
fumi^ us with a ^phic portraiture of R<»nish crime, as detailed 
in eveiy ecclesiastical historian — demonolatry, idol-worship, mur- 
ders, sorceries, fornication, and thefts I 

Under the sixth seal we have a vision of ' an angel ascending 
from the East, baring the seal of the living God,' with which he 
is about to ' seal the 9ervant% of Chd m their foreheads ' TviL 3). 
Now we had always been accustomed to view this appellation, 
* <ervati^ of Chd^ as rignifying, beyond all doubt, those wbo know, 
love, and serve God ; and the being * 9e<ded ' from the coming 

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40 Modem OorUribtttians to [April, 

judgments, we in our simplidty imagined was a privilege granted 
to them as a reward for being his servants ; but no such thing. 
Mr. Strange's theory of the Ai^calypse would not 8(}uare with tms 
opinion. All the people of God, says he, have previously left the 
earth — at the opening of the first seal — and the Jews are not con- 
verted until after the opening of the seventh seal. Hence, when 
this eixth seal is opened, and the * an^l ascends from the East ' 
to ^ seal the servants of God in their ^reheads,' there is posUiveljf 
not a single servant of God to seal. It will naturally be asked. 
How, then, does Mr. Strange explain the language? He con- 
siders the designation, ' servants of God,' given to these descend- 
ants of Abraham bt/ way of anticipatum ! because the Most High 
knew, in his omniscience, that at some ftiture time these one hun- 
dred and forty-four thousand Jews would be converted to the faith 
of the Gospel I If this is the way in which we are to treat the 
language of prophecy, it may indeed be made to mean anything 
we choose. 

Not satisfied with thus representing the avowed enemies of 
Christ as * the servants of God,' Mr. Strange, a few pages on- 
ward, wholly nullifies the import of that ^ se^dhig ' of which they 
are the subjects. We have already referred to the passage in 
which the ai^el is seen ascending worn the East, having the seal 
of the living God, with which he afterwards proce^eds to seal twelve 
thousand out of every tribe of Israel. Whether the expression, 

* tribes of Israel^^ be hteral or figurative, we shall not now stay to 
inquire ; but all will agree that uie import of this act is to signify 
that — as in the prophecy of Ezekiel (ix. 6)— the sealed ones are 
to be kept irom coming judgments. * Come not near any man 
upon whom is the mark. Who would suspect, then, the terrible 
fate which awaits these one hundred and forty-four thousand sealed 
ones ? According to Mr. Strange, they wul be hidden for three 
and a half years in the wilderness, and then be all slain to a man 
by the Antichrist I Alas I if this be the issue of being * sealed ' 
with * the seal of the living God,' we apprehend that most of his 

* servants ' would rather be without the nrivilege I 

We now come to the trumpets, whicn are understood by Mr. 
Strange in their literal signification ; but it appears to us there 
are one or two considerations which render it most improbable that 
this can be the right interpretation. 

First. In some of the trumpets the instrumentality employed is 
not of a kind calculated to accomplish the effects ascribed to it, if 
literally understood. For instance, the second trumpet sounds, 
and a mountain * burning with fire is cast into tiie sea,' upon which 

* the third part of the sea becomes blood.' Now it is obvious, that 
a burning mountain is in no degree fitted to convert water into 



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185a] the Study of Prophecy. 41 

bloocL It is not in the nature of things to do so. It is ccmtraiy 
to the usual course of the Divine procedure to accomplish his de- 
signs by the use of such unnatural means. Again, the third 
trumpet sounds, and * a star burmn^^ as a lamp, ftlls upon the third 
part of the rivers and upon the fountains of waters,' and * they 
become wormwood.' Now, that a star should fall to this earth is 
itself most incredible ; that it should &11 upon ' the third part of 
the rivers and the fountains of waters,' may, in the present con- 
figuration of the earth, be pronounced impossible ; ana, lastly, that 
it should produce the eflfect ascribed to it — change water into worm- 
wood — is, in the nature of things, altogether uiSikely. Search the 
whole page of revelation from be^nning to end, and no instance 
can be found— even of nUriicles being effected by the use of such 
incongruous, unnatural, and monstrous agency as is here intro- 
duced, if the passage be literal in its signification. 

Seeond. The marvellous agencies of the fifth and rixth trumpets 
are sudi as no sane person, we should have imagined, could ever 
have tak^i in a literal sense. To begin with the first of these 
woe-trumpets. Who can believe that, in a few years hence, 
' demoniacal beings,' as Mr. Stranee calls them, like locusts, will 
issue from the pit of hell, shaped lue horses for battle, with faces 
as of men and hair as of women, and golden crowns on their 
beads? Who can believe, still further, that these infernal spirits 
will possess stings in their tails to torment men, as scorpions do, 
for nve months? The whole is so utterly absurd and monstrous 
that nothing could induce us to believe that the all-wise Grod will 
ever cause such a scene as this to be exhilnted on the earth. 

The sixth trumpet is venr similar. According to Mr. Strange, 
the two hundred thousand thousand horsemen of this trumpet, with 
breastplates of fire, of jadnth, and of brimstone, the heads of whose 
horses are as the heads of lions, denote ^ an army of demoniacal 
bdi^ ' like the last, sent forth, not to torment^ but to slay the 
third part of men I Only imagine two hundred thousand devils, 
OQ steeds of the same infinmal origin as themselves, let loose upon 
mankind, belching out fire and smoke and brimstone, for the 
destruction of the third part of the species, and armed with * tails 
like serpents, which have heads and do hurt'! Perhaps no 
stronger argument can be adduced against the literal-friturist 
adieme of prophecy than that afforded by these two trumpets. 
The argument is simply this : — If these trumpets are literal in 
their meaning, then tne contents of them are so fimtastical, so 
monstrous, so utterly incredible, that no sane person, uninfluenced 
by a blind adherence to a system, can ever receive the passage as 
a revelation firom the blessea God. If they are emblematical^ then 
Uiere is no assignable reason why the rest of the Apocalypse should 

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4i Modem Oontrilnitions t$ [April," 

be literalty understood. Hmce we find that Mr. Burgb^ who at 
first pronounced the fifth trumpet symbolical, has in his fourth 
edition retracted this opmion. More wary than Mr. Stranffe, how- 
ever, in treating of the sixth trumpet and its two hundred thousand 
thousand horsemen, he prudently dedines * speaking decidedly ' 
of its import^ 

A considerable portion of Mr. Strange's exposition of the Apo- 
calypse is built upon one of the strangest notions that ever entered 
the wain of man, although it is, we belieye, common to all the 
dass of commentators to which he belcm^. The idea we refer to 
is this : viz. that at present the devil is m heaven, and his angda 
too I that he ever hi^ been there, and will continue his resid^ce 
in that world of bliss and glory until forcibly expelled, just before 
the coming of Antichrist T This notion is got chiefly finom the 
literal interpretation of Rev. xii. : — * there was war in heaven : 
Michael and his angels fought against the dragon ; and the dragon 
fought and his angels, and prevailed not ; neither waa their place 
found any more in heaven. And the great dragtm was cast out, 
that old serpent, called the Devil, and Satan, which deoeiveth the 
whole world : he was cast out into the earth, and his angels were 
cast out with him ' (ver. 7, 8, 9). Lite*ally understood, this pas- 
sage undoubtedly states what Mr. Strange and other fiituri^ 
maintain ; but who can seriously believe that an actual battle could 
possibly take place between angek and devils in the very presaice 
of God ? The devils are descaibed by the Apostle Peter as already 
' cast down to hell {Totpraqelfffas\ and delivered into ch^uns of dark- 
ness, to be reserved unto juc^ment ' (il 2, 4). The Apostle Jude 
to the same efiect writes, ' The angels which kept not their first 
estate, but left their own habitation, he hath reserved in ev^last^ 
ing chains, under darkness, unto the judgment of the great day ' 
(ver. 6). How then can they be in heaven still ? The idea that 
these evil spirits are not identical with Satan and his angels is a 
gratuitous assumption. The Bible nowhere speaks of two sets of 
evil spirits. Besides, if this ^ war in heaven is to be a literal 
ccmflict between good and evil angels, it is not possible to explain 
the fact that the overthrow of the latter is ascnbed to the offencj^ 
of the martyre. ^ They overcame him by the blood of the Lamb, 
cmd by the word of their testimony ; and they loved not their lives 
unto the death ' (Rev. xii. 11). Can words more plainly refer to 
the powerful influence exerted by the patience and constancy of the 
martyrs of the first three centuries, in the overthrow of Paganism 
throughout the Roman em]»re, when Satan and his angels were 
expelled firom the symbolical heaven, or place of power ? 

* Bttrgh's Expofition of the Rerelatioii, 4th ed^on. London. 1845, p. 197« 

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1853.] the Study of Prophecy. 43 

Another SKMistTous incongruity, in addition to those already 
pointed out, occurs in Mr. Strange's exposition of the Witnesses 
(Rey. xi.^. Faith&l to the plan with which he set out — that of 
inter{N%ting the language of the Apocalypse literally, our author 
of course represents the witnesses a3 two actual individuals, who 
will be witnesses for God during the times of die Antidirist 
Since, however, according to the theory of Mr. Strange, all the 
saints of God will have already left the earth when the witnesses 
commence thdr prophesying, and the Jews be still in an uncon- 
verted state, he was m a most awkward predicament where to get 
them from. In this emergency, Mr. Strange represents them as 
angelic beings ; and aldiou^ the text goes on to describe their 
death and want of sepulture, nothing daunted by this, he 
gravely says these ' heavenly beings ' — who have hitnerto been 
thought immortal — ^ will be slain — ^yea, slain by the devil I ' 

We have thus pointed out some of the many inconsistencies 
and absurdities connected with the novel theory of the Apocalypse 
propounded by Mr. Strange. And, be it remembered, our re-> 
marks do not affect mere secondary points in the interpretation 
of the {HX>]^etic visions, but the very foundations of his system. 
Yet, after all, the most convincing evidence that the visions of the 
Revelation are emblematical is that arising from the monstrous, 
unparalleled, and incredible assemblage of prodigies which the 
Uteral interpretation of them — in the hands of this^ the latest 
ezpositcH* of nis dass — ^brings upon the stage of the world towards 
its dose. 

First, there is the descent of Christ to fetch his people home, 
and the immediate resurrection of the dead and rapture of the 
Uving saints. Then begins a series of judgments, indudinff war 
and famine. Scarcely are these calamities over when one-fourth 
of the inhabitants of the earth are visited with sudden destruction, 
by tiie sword, famine, pestilence, and wild beasts (fourth seal). 
Soon after, at the opening of the sixth seal, an earthquake occurs 
•^the stars of heaven literally fall to the earth, and the heavens 
pass away like a scroll I Then, some fearftil judgment connected 
with the four winds overwhelms mankind (Rev. vii. 1). A fi^sh 
series of plagues is now inflicted upon men — under the Trumpets, 
One-third of the grass and the trees are burnt up : a burning 
mountain hurled into the sea turns one-third of it mto blood : a 
star (alls from heaven, and poisons one-third of the rivers and the 
fountains of water: one-third of the sun, moon, and stars are 
smitten with darkness— after, be it observed, the heavens had 
passed awayas a scroll : and then the three woe-trumpets begin 
to sound. The first of these summons on earth a host of in- 
furiated devils, in the shape of locusts, with stings like scorpions* 

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The second sounds, and, lo I another ^ army of demoniacal brings' 
comes forth from the bottomless pit, momited on horses: and 
from the description of this infernal cavalry, we need not wonder 
that, under the combined operation of the fire and brimstone 
which issued from their horses' mouths, and the injuries inflicted 
by ' their tails which have heads like serpents,' one-third of manr 
kind are slain I 

Then begins the final manifestation of evil during the last seven 
years of the world, as now constituted. First, the devil and his 
angels have a fearful conflict with Michael and his hosts in 
heaven. The former are cast out into the earth. Satan appears 
in visible form to mankind, and is actually worshipped by them as 
their God I Two heavenly beings appear in Jerusalem as God's 
witnesses, clothed in sackdoth : they speak, and the clouds with- 
hold all rain firom the earth for three years and a half: they 
open their mouths, and fire issues forth, and devours all who hurt 
them. At length the devil kills them ; thev lie unburied three 
days and a half, and then, revivified, ascend to heaven, whilst 
fearful judgments overwhelm their enemies. 

Now begins, at last, the proper kingdom of the devil on earth. 
He sets up the man of sin, Antichrist, who is to reign in Babylon, 
rebuilt in all its pristine glory, as king of the whole world. The 
fidse prophet, his coadjutor, springs up too now, and these three, 
the devil, the man of sin, and the miae prophet form amongst 
themselves an earthly Trinity in mockery of the Triune God 
One of the first acts of then* joint authority is the slaughter of 
the hundred and forty-four thousand Jews, * sealed with, the seal of 
the living GodP Then an angel comes down from heaven, and 
preaches the everlasting Gospel to every nation and kindred, and 
people and tongue. Two other angels follow, and threaten the 
wrath of God against the followers of Antichrist During this 
period the false prophet causes actual fire to come down from 
neaven in the signt of men. He makes an image of the beast, 
too, and animates it, and enables it to speak, and to cause the 
destruction of all who refuse to bow down and worship it I 

And now commence the seven last plagues. First, man- 
kind are visited with a noisome and grievous sore: then, the 
whole sea becomes blood, and all living creatures therein die : 
then, the rivers and fountains of water become blood ; the sun 
then receives power to scorch men with fire, and they blaspheme 
God for these plagues : a^ain, the kingdom of the Deast, which 
includes the whole earth, is filled with darkness, and men ffnaw 
their tongues for pam. And, lastly, foul demons out of the 
mouths of the dragon, the beast, and the false prophet, marshal 
the armies of the earth to battie for the great day of the Lord 

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1853.] the Study of Prophecy. 45 

God Almiffhty. Christ in person visibly descends to the earth, 

* followed by the armies of heaven on white horses.' ' The beast 
is taken, and with him the fedse prophet, and cast into a lake of 
fire, burning with brimstone.' 

Such are the frightful prodigies which, in Mr. Strange's 
opinion — and he does not differ materially firom other futurists — 
will be exhiUted on the sti^ of this world during the last few 
years of its duration. Uow any sober-minded persons can 
adopt a theory attended with such monstrous results, we are at a 
loss to imagine. What a contrast is observable between the sim- 
plicity of agency in the judgments inflicted upon Egypt, and the 
vast and compbcated and incongruous machinery of uie Apoca- 
lypse upon the literal hypothesis! The waters are turned into 
blood in both cases, but in the one the servant of God merely 
smites the river with his rod, and it becomes blood ; in the other, 

* as it were a great mountain, burning with fire,' must be cast into 
the sea before such a result takes place. Sudden destruction 
overwhelms vast multitudes in both instances ; but, in the one, an 
aneel at midnight smites the first-bom of Egypt, and they die ; 
whdst in the other, two hundred thousand thousand devils upon 
steeds of hell are called out of the bottomless pit, to breathe forth 
fire and brimstone, ' to slay the third part of men.' In short, 
throughout the whole book — viewed in the light of a future and 
literd^ prophecy — there is such a heaping together of horrid, 
monstrous, and unnatural objects — such an unnecessary and pro- 
digious waste of supernatural machinery, and such a crowoing 
together of scenes of harrowing and infernal cruelty, as remind 
one of llie romances of Mrs. Iladcliffe, the stage of some minor 
theatre, or the chambers of the Spanish Inquisition, rather than a 
page of the revelation of Him who is a God of love. 

In the fourth part of the * L^ht of Prophecy,' Mr. Strang 
advances a very singular proposition, viz., that m the millenial 
age mankind will not be ^ under a saving knowledge of the Lord, 
but the Jews alone be a converted people ;' that ' the nations of 
the earth will submit to Christ simply through fear y and not love, 
and their very worship of him be secured under coercion ' (pp. 
287—298). 

We need scarcely say that this doctrine difiers altogether from 
that usually held by prophetical expositors, both of the miUenarian 
and anti-millenarian school ; and, in our opinion, the Scrip- 
tures are quite decisive in asserting that there is a period coming 
when Christianity will overspread the whole world during a thou- 
sand years, and ' all the ends of the earth turn unto God. Isaiah 
says, *' the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the Lord 
as Uie waters cover the sea ' (xi. 9) ; and the * knowledge of the 

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46 Modem Cmtributmis to [April; 

Lord' in Scripture denotes, invariably, savinff knowledge. 
Again, the same prophet says, ' in this mountain snail the Lord 
of hosts make unto all people a feast of fat things, a fea^t of 
wines on the lees,' &c. (xxv. 6), language which clearly denotes 
the blessinffs of salvation. Many passages, too, speak of the 
general dif^ion of the Spirit of Grod under the emblem of numing 
waters. ^ I will open rivers in high places, and fountains in the 
midst of the valleys :' ^ I will make the wilderness a pool of 
water, and dry land spring of water : ' ' and upon every 
mountain and upon every hi^n hill shall be rivers and streams of 
water ' (Isa. xxx. 25). Zephaniah, too, says, ' Then will I turn 
unto the people a pure kmffuage^ that they may all call upon the 
name of the Lord to serve him with one consent' (ZejA. lii. 9). 
And again Malachi, < For from the rising of the sun even unto the 
going down of the same mv name shall be great among the Gen- 
tiles ; and in every place mcense shall be offered unto my name, 
and a pure offering^ (Mai. L 11). Still more decisive is the 
apostle rauVs statement in the eleventh chapter of the Romans, 
where, speaking of the future restoration of the Jews, he says, ' If 
the fall of them be the riches of the world, and the diminismng of 
them the riches of the Gentiles, how much more their fulness ? For 
if the casting away of them be the reconciling of the worid, what 
i^all the receiving of them be, but life from the dead? ' (xii. 15). 

The fifth and last part of the work propounds a theory as 
novel as it is strange and monstrous. Its title is, ^ Tlie Brides of 
the Lamb and the saved of the nations ! ' It has been hitherto 
supposed that Christ has but am bride, vi2., the Church, the 
ffeneral body of the faithful ; but Mr. Strange has discovered that 
he has two^ the second bem^ the Jewish nation, who are to be 
converted to Christ at the Millennium. Jacob's marriage with 
Leah and Rachel he considers a type of this two-fold marriage of 
Christ wiA the CTiurch and with Israel. Not satisfied with having 
thus ^ven two brides to Christ, Mr. Strange has succeeded in 
discovering another family of the saved in addition to the two 
just specified. This is ' the saved of the nations ' (Rev. xxL 24). 
And as Leah and Rachel typify the two other brides of the Lamb, 
the ofispring of their handmaids, Bilhah and Zilpah, stand as 
types of these 'saved of the nations!' (pp. 39^5 — 401V To 
adduce any arguments against these wild chimeras, the reaaer wiU 
consider quite needless. 

It is obrious to us, that Mr. Strange's wild speculations on the 
Apocalypse, as well as those of many other miUenarian writers, 
have their origin to a great extent in forgetfulness of that great 
truth of the New Testament, that Jews and Gentiles, by the 
finished work of Christ, are placed on a level of perfect tqualitf 

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1853.] the Study of Propheq/^ 47 

before God, not only as to tiieir acceptance with Him, but also aa 
members of the Church Visible. ' The hour cometh,' saith our 
Xxnrd to the woman of Samaria, *' whai ye shall neither in this 
mountain nor yet ai Jeru&dem worship the Father/ ^ Does this 
mean,' we ask with Mr. Brown, ^ that under the new economy the 
worslup of Gentiles out of Jerusalem would be as acceptable as 
the worship of the Jews m it — that the central and sacred cha* 
racter of Jerusalem would continue unchanged ; but that beUeving 
Gentiles, though as much ^' steungers and foreigners " as erer, as 
truly aliens mm the cammonwealw of Israel as ever, in respect 
of ceremonies and church officers and modes of wordxip, would 
nevertheless get access to Christ and salyation as truly as the 
Jews ? Could such a construction by possibility be put upon the 
Saviour's language, one could listen to the arguments for a mil- 
lenial Judaism. But as, beyond all doubt, the Saviour meant to 
amiounce that Jerusalem was going to lose its peculiar character 
— that it would cease to be, even to the Jews themselves, '^ the 
dty of their solemnities, whither the tribes should go up " — that, 
in fact, it would possess not a whit more of distinctive religious 
character than the mountiun of Samaria about which the woman 
consulted him — I cannot but wonder that Christian men, sitting 
at the Redeemer's feet to receive the law at his mouth, should 
dream of a revived Judaism, and picture to themselves believing 
nations firequenting the restm^ temple, in ordar to get under- 
standing in the types and shadows.' ^ 

The other work of Mr. Strange — * Observations on Mr Elliott's 
SoT(B Apocalypticm' — is certainly worthy of perusal. As appears 
to us, he has here successfully assailed that celebrated exposition 
of the Apocalypse which at present occupies the first position 
amongst works of its class ; and on this ^ound we would strongly 
recommend it to the admirers of Mr. Elliott Let us not, however, 
be misunderstood. We do not mean to assert that the historic 
system of interpretation, on which Mr. Elliott's work is based, 
is at all affectea by the ^ Observations ' of Mr. Strange. But the 
peculiar views of tiie autiior of tiie * Hone Apocalypticse,' those 
m which he diflfers from previous writers on the subject, are com- 
pletely demolished. For instance, his interpretation of the four 
first seals — ^the holding the four winds — the sealing of the 144 
thousand — the vision of the angel with the rainbow — the death 
and resurrection of the witnesses — the birth of the man-child and 
its rapture to the throne of God — and the effusion of the seven 
Vials of the wrath of God, — in all of tiiese, at least, we think 
Mr. Strapge's remarks carry the judgment of the reader with him. 

^ Clmt's Second Coming, 2nd edition, p. 370. 

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48 Modem Contributions to [April, 

But the great principle of higtoric interpretation remains untouched 
by Mr. Strange's strictures. 

The unpretending little volume of Mr. Cairns — one of the mi- 
nisters of the Free Church of Scotland — is, in many respects, a 
striking contrast to the two works just noticed. It is called 
* The Second Woe: a popular Exposition j^ the IQth and 11th 
(chapters of Eevelationf showing thai the Theory of the Bev. Mr. 
JEUiott and the Author of the ''Seventh Vial,'' as to the Death and 
Mesurreetion of the Witnesses^ is inconsistent both with Prophetie 
Scripture and Profane History J We have read it with the 
deepest interest, and cannot but think that he has full^ succeeded 
in proving the non-fulfilment of the prophecy respectmg the war 
a^nainst, defeat, death, and resurrection of the two witnesses of God. 
We wish our space would allow of our quoting his remarks on this 
interesting subject; but must be content to give the following 
striking passage on the necessity that wickedness should increase 
in the earth, before the circumstances connected with the death of 
the witnesses could possibly take place : — 

' But there is another feature in the character and aspect of this de- 
stroying beast, as here portrayed, which seems to us to possess very 
great significancy. In the 9th and lOth verses we are informed tliat 
the death of the witnesses will be hailed by the universal approval and 
delight of the entire European community. '' And they that dwell 
upon the earth shall rejoice over them, and make merry, and shall send 
gifts one to another ; because these two prophets tormented them that 
dwelt on the earth." This surely is a remarkable prediction. What 
is the extraordinary reality which it reveals to our mental view ? We 
see the bodies of the slaughtered witnesses lying where they fell on the 
broad plateau of the great city — we see every street pouring forth its 
inhabitants, a gay and lauj^hing throng, to feast their eyes and gratify 

their passion by a siglit of these lifeless bodies No nation is 

behind another — the different kindred forget their peculiarities of 
race, and as one blood celebrate a conunon triumph, &c. 

*' Now upon this prophetic description we would make the foUowiog 
remarks: 1. The international rejoicing and congratulation, here so 
graphically shadowed forth, hcut never yet occurred^ nor anything in 
the least resembling it, either in the experience of Eumpe, or in the 
history of the world. It is simply a trifling with these expressive 
words of inspiration to apply them to any supposed triumph celebrated 
by the Church of Rome at any bygone time. When we are told, for 
example, that the witnesses were killed in 1514, during the session of 
the Council of Lateran, and that this prediction of joy, and rejoicing, 
and sending of presents, &c., was fulfilled to the very letter, when the 
prelates and princes who composed that council complimented each 
other on the peace and unity of the Church, feted each other by a suc- 
cession of splendid entertainments and banquets, and Pope Leo trans- 
mitted to the King of Portugal the golden roecy and conferred on him 



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1853.] the Study of Prophecy. 49 

the sovereignty of half the eastern world (EUtoti, ii. 400, 1), we can 
do nothing but marvel at the simplicity which proposes so trivial an 
exposition, and at the still greater simplicity that accepts it as suffi- 
cient Such a combination of people and tongues in exterminating the 

witnesses of Christ has never yet taken place Indeed we make 

bold to say, that the nations of £urope have never to this day been so 
situated in their relations to each other as to have allowed of the 
realization of this prophecy as sl possible event. These ten kingdoms 
of the papal earth have never yet been in circumstances to admit of 
the iiympathy and fellowship here so broadly sketched. They have 
never been so united, they have never had any such good understand- 
ing or friendly correspondence as is here implied. Nay, not one of 
these nations has ever yet been in such a condition as that its people 
could have performed the part here attributed to them all. Hitherto 
persecution has been the contrivance of priests and the pastime of 
grants. But the people at large, the kindreds of the earth, have not 
willingly been the executioners of their ruthless schemes, and have 
always expressed more pity for the victim than concurrence with the 
oppressor. But a melancholy change will have come over the intel- 
lect and heart of these many peoples when the witnesses are slain, and 
these prefigured circumstances signalise the crime. We may be sure 
that the worid, bad as it is, will be worse, and greatly worse, before 
this enormous sin can be not only publicly perpetrated, but made the 
(xx^asion of such conspicuous and universal exultation. There must be 
a vast increase to the power and boldness both of infidelity and of 
superstition ; there must be a heartbreaking decay of spiritual light 
and life amongst professing Christians ; there must be a more intimate 
and cordial intercourse amongst various branches of the European com- 
munity ; they must come to be more like one &mily, to be more under 
one system, to be more of one mind, especially on the subject of re- 
Iig^n ; to be more excited against the truth of Christ, more imbued 
with the temper of the Wicked One, and more subservient to his wishes 
and his policy. All this must be before this prophecy can be fulfilled 
— before this &tal atrocity can be committed. We have no doubt at 
all that this crowning enormity is reserved for those evil days of which 
the Spirit speaketh expressly by the apostle in the 4th chapter of 
1 Tun.'— pp. 118-22. 

We tiiffer from Mr. Cairns in lis interpretation of the two 
witnesses. We regard them as the Scriptiu'es of the Old and New 
Testaments — ^which appears to as more in accordance with the 
emblematical character of the book than the common interpretation, 
that they are the people of God. This diflFerence of sentiment, 
however, does not blind us to the exceeding importance of this 
little work, which, as an eloquent and practical exposition of the 
signs of the limes, is in our estimation above all value. We cor- 
dially commend it to our readers. 

The next work we have to introduce to the reader is a beauti- 
fully printed work on the Apocalypse, in two volumes 8vo., by the 

VOL. IV. — NO. VII. E , 

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50 Modem Cantrilmtums to [April, 

Eev. A. Jenour, entitled * BatumcUe Apocalt/pticum.' This work 
is written with ability, and is valuable for the sketch at the end 
of the second volume of the various opinions of prophetical writers, 
from the time of Mede down to the present period. But, as an 
exposition of the Apocalypse, we regard it of very little value. 
The writer adopts the historictd scheme of interpretation ; but sub- 
stitutes for the established interpretations of otner commentators, 
in veiy many cases, what we cannot but designate crude and 
absurd notions of his own. In illustration of our meaning we 
would refer to his ridiculous idea, that the book sealed with seven 
seals is ' the book of the everlasting covenant ;' his interpretation 
of the first four seals which is exceedingly absmfd ; and his remarks 
on the angel in the 10th chapter of the Apocalypse bestriding the 
earth and the sea — whom he considers to represent the Pope ! 

Mr. Jenour's interpretation of the two witnesses as the Old and 
New Testaments, on the other hand, appears to us, as already 
observed, to suit the terms of the prophecy far better than the 
current view which makes them the Church of God. Tlchonius, 
in the fourth century, adopted the same interpretation. The sub- 
ject is of great importance at the present time, approaching as we 
probably are to the period of their death, and deserves the serious 
attention of all students of the prophetic word. 

The Commentary of Mr. Barnes will add but little to the re- 
putation whidii the author has already acquired as an expositor 
of Scripture. It certainly displays sound sense, great industry, 
and research, but is sadly deficient in those higher Qualities which 
we naturally look fcr in a work of this kind. The book is rather 
a compilation from Elliott and others than an original work. As 
it is likely, from the reputation of its author, to obtain an extensive 
circulation, we rejoice in the reflection that Mr. Barnes has adopted 
the historical system of interpretation, rather than that followed 
by writers of the futurist schooL But whilst, like all the other 
writings of the author, it is a thoroughly respectaUe performance, 
we must express our fiill conviction that it has contriouted almost 
notliinc' towards the eluddation of this mysterious volume. For 
the information of our readers, we may add that Mr. Barnes is 
(^posed to the millenarian interpretation of the. contested passage 
in Kev. xx. 4. 

The author of the next Apocalyptic exposition is well known 
to the readers of this Journal, by his aole and learned works 
OQ Egypt, on the Psalms, and on the PaitateucL We confess 
we hearid with no small delight the announcement of a com- 
mentary on the Revelation from his pen, and perused it with the 
CTeatest avidity. But never were we more woefully disappointed. 
If we except the preliminary dissertation of Dr. Hengstenberg, 

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1853.] the Study of Prophecy. 51 

* On the date of the Apocalypse ' — which is a really valuable con- 
tribution to Biblical criticism — the work may be pronounced a 
piece of learned trifling, from beginning' to end. Instead of point- 
ing out the particular events which have already fulfilled, or may 
be expected to fulfil, the suUime pre<Uctions of this book — in Dr. 
Hengstenberg's exposition, there is no such thing as an event at 
all. We meet with nothing but general truths, repeated again 
and again, with tedious sameness. Take one example only to 
illustrate our meaning, that of the trumpets. The first trumpet, 
says the learned author, indicate war — not any individual war, 
but war in general. The second trumpet is precisely the same — 
war in general. So is the third, so is the rourth, so is the fifth, 
and 90 on. All these trumpets indicate wars, not any particular 
wars, but they are general prophecies of alarming wars that should 
at some period or other come to pass t Now we do hold, that if 
this 18 all that the visions of the Apocalypse were designed to teach 
the Church, we might as well have been without the book. And 
still dearer is it, that all expositions of the book are worse than 
useless. 

The learned Commentary orv Daniel by Dr. Tr^elles is written 
throughout, on the futurist principle of interpretation. Hence the 
author contends, that the tenfold division of the Roman Empire, 
symbolized by the ten horns of the fourth beast, in Dan. vii., has 
not yet taken place. 

In suj^rt of this assertion. Dr. Tr^elles urses that the parti- 
tion of the Roman empire, which occurred in the sixth century, 
did not fulfil the terms of the prediction. Five toes, he says, were 
«een on each foot of the image. We have no right, therefore, to 
look for all the ten kingdoms in the western division of the empire, 
to the entire exclusion of the eastern, which continued whole for 
about a thousand years later. On this we would observe, that it 
is not in the vision of the imoffey that this tenfold division of the 
empire m predicted, but in that of the four beasts. Not a word is 
said about the partition of the fourth kingdom in the first vision. 
It seems Hierefore that we are scarcely justified in founding an 
argument on pcu*ticu]ars in the vision of the imaee, which we do 
not know it was intended to teach. The similitude must not be 
pressed to a symbolic meanii^ in all its particulars. The same 
argument which Dr. Tregelles here uses in reference to the Roman, 
or fourth empire, might be used to prove that the second, or 
Persian empire, was to be divided into ten kingdoms, symbolized 
by the ten finders belonging to the arms. 

Dr. TreeeUes objects agidn to the past fulfilment of the tenfold 
partition of the empire, that it * could never be definitely pointed 
out, whether in the early centuries or this. The lists diner ex- 

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52 Modern Contributions to [April, 

ceedingly, and very frequently countries wholly disconnected with 
the Roman empire are introduced, simply because, in later days, 
they have been upholders of the Popedom.' p. 75. We candidly 
own that we agree with the learned author here, but are ourselves of 
opinion that commentators are all at &ult in considering the word 
* ten ' to signify literally so many, neither more nor less. The fact 
is, the number ten is commonly used in Scripture, very indefinitely, 
in the sense of several. Many instances of this pecuhar use of the 
term might be adduced. ' They have tempted me now these ten 
times.* (Num. xiv. 22.) * Then Job answered and said, these ten 
times have ye reproached me.' (Job xix. 3.) In the prediction 
of future events, it is used similarly, ' And when I have broken the 
staflP of your bread, ten wom^en shall bake your bread in one oven.' 
(Lev. xxvi. 26.) ' Ten men shall take hold of the skirt of him 
that is a Jew, saying. We will go with you,' &c. (Zech. viii. 23.) 
In this very book of Daniel, it is used in another passage, unques- 
tionably in the sense we attach to it here. ' He found them ten 
times tietter than all the magicians and astrologers in his realm.' 
(Dan. i. 20.) Not that they were precisely ten times as good, 
neither more nor less, but immensely superior, a great many times 
better. Similarly in the prophecy of the fourth beast, we consider 
the ten hornsy or Tdngs^ denote nof, that exactly that number of 
states should arise out of the ruins of the Roman empire, but that 
a great many independent sovereigns should exercise the authority 
formerly wielded by the Roman emperors, of which sovereigns we 
undoubtedly consider the eastern emperor to have been one^ 
until the sounding of the sixth trumpet, and fall of that dominion. 

In support of this view, it is worthy of remark that, although 
three ot these ten horns are plucked up before the little horn 
(Dan. vii. 8), the horns are still called ten, not seven. * And the 
ien hon)8 which thou sawest upon the beast, these shall hate the 
whore and shall make her desolate and naked, and shall eat her 
flesh and bum her with fire,' &c. (Rev.xvii. IG.") *And this 
continues even to the end.' * And the ten horns whicn thou sawest, 
are ten kings ; these shall make war with the Lamb,' &c. (ver. 12, 
14.^ Now we ask how is it possible that these ten kings can be 
recKoned ten^ after three of them have fallen, except on tne above 
supposition ? If they are called ten kings, because they denote a 
number of independent states, perhaps varying in nurnber as the 
states of Europe actually have done, then it is clear, that the pro- 
priety of the appellation ' ten kings ' would not be at all affected 
Dy the fact of three having fallen. 

Another important question is suggested by Dr. Tregelles* 
Commentary. Are we justified in assuming, as he does, the 
identity of the two little horns of Daniel> that in the 7th and that 



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1853.] the Study of Prophecy. 5S 

in the 8th chapters ? We have been of opinion that they are 
perfectly distinct, and symbolize differentpowers. In fact, unless 
we are mistaken, there are several points of absolute contrariety in 
them. For instance — 

1. The first (that in ch. vii.) is always a little horn. Nothing 
is said to intimate that it becomes great. The other is represented 
as ^ waxing exceeding great j toward the south, and toward the east, 
and towaixl the pleasant land.' (viii. 9.) 

2. The second is espedally characterized by carrying on de- 
structive wars, making great conquests &c., ^he shaU destroy 
wonderfully, and practise, and prosper, and in prosperity he shall 
destroy many.' {viii. 25, margin.) The other^ being to the last a 
little horn, has no power to effect these things : it is only said, 
therefore, to persecute the saints — * the same horn made war with 
the saints.' (vii. 21.) 

3. The one accomplishes what he does by words, speeches — ^ a 
mouth speaking great things ' (vii. 8) ; * because of the voice of the 
great ioordsj &c (ver. 11.) The other possesses actual power 
and strength : * his power shall be mighty^ (viii. 24) ; * waxed ex^ 
eeeding great ' (ver. 9^. 

4. rhe first horn is evidently a branch of the Roman Empire. 
It springs up on the fourth beast, just afl;er the rise of the ten 
horns, and is accordingly destroyed with it, as one of its component 
parts. The second is as plainly a part of the Grecian Empire, 
springing out of one of the four divisions, into which that 
monarchy branched at Alexander's death, (viii. 9.) 

5. The one arises ^ when the transgressors are come to the full.' 
(viiL 23.) The other leads to the maturity of transgression (vii. 
25, compared with Rev. xvii. 4, 5, 6, &c.). 

6. The period of the duration of the/r«^, is 1260 days, that of 
the other, 2300 days. (vij. 25 ; viii. 14.) 

Such are the chief points of contrast between the two * little 
horns ' of Daniel. In two consecutive chapters, we have two little 
boms described as arising. If they denoted the same power, we 
might expect to find some unquestionable marks of identity. 
Instead oi which, we have at least six points of marked contrast. 
We are inclined to the view of those expositors who interpret the 
little horn of the 7th chapter as the Papal, and that of the 8th 
chapter as the Mahomedan yower. 

Vr. Tregelles has one chapter on * Prophetic interpretation in 
connection with Popery, and the corruption of ChrUftxardty, in 
which it is his object to show that the Papal system does not meet 
the terms of the predictions of the Antichrist, especially as to, 1. 
The doom of those who own the Antichrist. 2. The extent of his 
influence within his own sphere. Our limits wiU not allow of our 

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54 Modem Contributums to [April, 

entering upon the discussion of a subject so large, but we observe 
that he quotes Scripture denunciations against the worshippers of 
the beast (Bey. xih. 8, and xiv. 9, 10), as referring to the rapacy, 
whereas the most recent commentators, Elliott, Woodhouse, and 
Cuninghame, we believe, agree in considering this ten-homed beast 
to be the secular Roman Empire. We have only to add that 
Dr. Tregelles advocates the literal interpretation of the Apocalypse. 
His views do not materially differ from those of Mr. Strange. 

A Handbook to the Apocalypae is a sn^U shilling puUication of 
real value to all who wish for a concise guide to the import of the 
symbolic language. It is well adapted &r Bible oasses and 
families. 

The Millenarian iTupdrer of Mr. Ball is an interesting little 
volume on the millenarian side of the question. It is dividied into 
six parts. 1. Elementary Principles of Prophetic Inteipretation. 
2. The Premillenial Advent 3 and 4. The National Covenant 
to Abraham, to give him the land, and the Boyal Covenant to 
David to give hun the throne ; both meeting in Christ, the Son 
of Abraham and the Son of David. 5. The Restoration of Israel 
and Judah to their fatherland. 6. The New Heavens and liie 
New Earth. All these important topics are here handled with 
clearness and ability. Mr. JBall is evidently one who thinks for 
himself ; and differs from most writers on prophecy in sobriety of 
judgment and patient research. We learn that a new and revised 
edition of the work is in course of preparation, whidi we rfiall be 
pleased to see. 

The two next wwks on our list, A new View of the Apocalypse^ 
^c,y bv C. E. Eraser Tvtler, and An JExamination of the gign 
X?s-, Rev. xiii. 18, by M. Cely Trevilian, Esq., are ontjr so much 
waste paper. 

The World to come is the work of the Rev. James Cochrane, 
A.M., one of the ministers of Cupar, Fife. This gentleman has 
adopted a view of the subject of his book, in whidi wepresume 
he stands apart from all other writers on prophecy. We shall 
leave it with our readers, unaccompanied with any comment, this 
being unnecessary. The Lord Jesus is to come in person to fetch 
his saints, and overwhelm his enemies with destruction. A new 
dispensation now commences. The world is tenanted by Christ 
ana His redeemed people — millions upon millions of glorified, 
holy, and happy beings, during a thousand years. This mmennium 
is in a great measure occupied in determining the precise sentence 
or desert of each individual of tiie wicked, who are still in the 
regions of the dead. This great scrutiny being over, and the 
sentence passed on each individual being ' ready to be pnmounced,' 
the resurrection of the wicked is eflRscted. The dead, small and 

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1853.] the Study of Prophecy. 55 

great, stand before God ; the books of judgment are opened ; and 
with lightning rapidity and distinctness each individual knows 
his doom. It would appear that this is the moment at which 
Satan is once more let loose, perhaps to receive his final sentence. 
But neither he nor they, even at wat dread hour, abandon their 
Satanic nature. No sooner are the wicked raised from the dead^ 
than the reminiseence of their rnifvl propermties enables Satan 
mice m&re to deceive them. The sight of the heavenly Jerusalem 
fills them with malignant hatred. In the desperation of the moment 
they will make one effort more. * And they went up on the 
br^th of the earth, and compassed the camp of the saints about, 
and the beloved city : and fire came down from God out of Heaven, 
and devoured them. And flie devil that deceived them was cast 
into the lake of fire emd brimstone, where the beast and the false 
prophet are^ and shall be tormented day and night for ever and 
ever.' (Rev. xx. 9, 10.) 

Mr. Newton's works on Prophecy will require but litfle notice — 
agreeing as they do in so many particulars with Mr. Strange's 
extraorcunary production. He too has the strange theory that the 
devil is at present in Heaven, and asks triumphantly how else it 
could be possible for him to accuse the brethren before God (Gr. 
i>«v»iov, in the presence of) unless he were actually in Heaven ? 
Did Mr. Newton ever read Luke i. 6, in which it is said, Zacha- 
rias and his wife * were righte&as before G-od f (Gr. lv»»iov, in the 
mresenee of.) If he did, let him say whether these two saints of 
God were in his presence at the time of which the evangelist 

riks. So the Apostle James exhorts us to ' humble yourselves m 
sight of (iveviriov) the Lord ' (iy. 10). Are we to enter into the 
Homediate presence of Christ m order to obey this precept? 
Once more — Paul says, in his letter to the Galatians, * Now the 
things which I write unto you, before God (Iv^iov), I lie not * 
(L 20). Does he mean to say that he does not speak falsehood 
in the immediate presence of God? Assuredly not. The plain 
meaning of the word in all these {daces is clearly * in the view of^ 
''in the estimation of^' and this, we have no doubt, is its import in 
the passage in question. In the sight of Gi>d^ the real agent in 
nil the informations laid against the Christians under the heathen 
persecutions was the devil himself. The same truth is taught in 
nev. ii. 10 : * Behdd the devil shall cast some of you into prison/ 
&c W. E. T. 



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56 Heaven i HelU Sades; [Aprils 



HEAVEN, HELL, HADES; 

OB SLEEP OF THE SOUL. 

For the purpose of opening out a fiill discussion as to the state 
of the soul after death, we have chosen to enlarge the title of a 
paper on Hades and Heaven, contained in the October number 
of the Journal of Sacred Literature. It aj^)ears therefore to be 
necessary, in order to carry on the discussion with profit, first 
of all very carefully to survey and examine our field of inquiry, 
and to clear the ground as we proceed. In discussions of this kind 
writers are too apt to ignore lacts, and to pass over arguments of 
importance when seeking to establish some &vourite theory. They 
do not generally contend for the truth with the truth ; instead of 
establi^nff their position as they proceed, they deal in conjectures 
and probabilities, and appeal to the opinions of the ancients as 
well as to texts of Scripture. 

The object of the true Christian philosopher is to ascertain the 
truth, and in seeking for it, to go on from step to step regardless 
of the consequences, if only he can feel assured that, as he pro- 
gresses, he is treadling on safe and solid ground. If he has an 
opponent in controversy, he will hand over to him any weapon he 
himself may know oi^ but which he cannot use in his own defence, 
and cannot prove to be without ed^e and useless. He seeks for 
truth, and rejoices when he is convinced by any means that he has 
been holding erroneous opinions on this or that subject. A con- 
trary methcNi to that just described is, however, pursued by too 
many, and the conseauence is that the parties themselves, and the 
spectators also, are oiten involved in doubt and confusion. Let 
no one take amiss what has been said : the only desire in saying 
it, is to cry aloud to all true friends of the Church of Christ, and 
beseech them to conduct all their inquiries with soberness, and in 
such a manner that truth may shine forth and prevail, and the 
enemy have no advantage given him. 

The questions propc^ed for consideration are, 1st Does the 
soul go either to Heaven or Hell immediately on quitting the 
body, to be joined by that body at the resurrection ? or, 2ndly. 
Does it then go to Hiades, to remain there till the body rises again ? 
or, 3rdly. Does the soul deep, or die with the body and until the 
bodv rises again? 

The word Heaven, as employed in the first question, means the 
place where the soul enjoys nill fruition of glory and happiness 
without possibility of increase thereof. The word Hell, as em- 



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1853.] or Sleep of the Soul. 57 

ployed in the same question^ means the place where the sonl ex- 
penences the fiill measure of misery ana woe without possibility 
of increase thereof. The word Hades, as employed in tne second 
question, means the place where souls renudn separate from the 
bodies they have left and in a state of consciousness, the souls of 
the righteous enjoying some portion only of the happiness await- 
ing^ them, and the soms of the unregenerate sufiering some portion 
omy of the misery awaiting them. The words us^ in the third 
question need no definition of meaning. 

Now, let us inqmre where the materials to enable us to answer 
these questions lie. We must ^et them either from nature or 
reyelation, or both. By revelation, we of course mean the word 
of God. To the decisions of that word we must bow, and we 
have only to ascertain what it decides in respect to the Questions 
under consideration. We must, therefore, make use of revela- 
tion. Will nature then assist us, we mean the study of the 
nature of the soul and the laws of its connection with tne body ? 
The information to be derived from this study, to be of any use to 
us in our present inquiry, must teach us something about me con- 
sciousness or unconsciousness of the soul when apart from the 
body, either whilst the body is alive, or whilst it is dead. Now, 
if we inquire about the state of the soul, and its consciousness or 
unconsciousness after the body is dead, we shall soon get to talk 
of ghosts, apparitions, and such like things ; and as we have no 
information as to these, such as it is presumed any one would use 
for our present purpose, and can have none, it is plain we can get 
no ftuther in tins direction. It must be borne in mind that we 
are now speaking as if we had no such thing as Scripture to en- 
lighten us, and therefore such cases as that of Samuel's appear- 
ance to the witch of Endor cannot be in place here. Scripture is 
higher than nature, and the greater includes the less, and we 
sball have an opportunity of considering that matter in its proper 
place when we come to direct our attention to revelation. But we 
are on safer ground when we are inquiring about the nature of 
the soul, and the laws of its connection with the body whilst that 
body is alive. We have the means of observation and some data 
to proceed upon, some grounds upon which to found our judg- 
ment It will perhaps be conceded, that if we have positive and 
demonstrable proof with req)ect to this branch of our inquiry in 
any one particular, we need nothing more. 11^ therefore, any 
conclusion we may come to is true, we cannot come to another 
true conclusion derived from the same materials, which shall deny 
the first, or be opposed to it 

Now, it is qmte plain that the soul, whatever it is, can be, with- 
out detriment to itself, deprived or divested of all consciousnessL 

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58 Seaven, Hell, ffades ; [April, 

Eyery man must be aUe to see the truth of this proposition in his 
own experience. Every morning he awakes to find that his soul 
has beaii, no matter for how short a time, unconscious; and to 
find aldo tiiat the soul has not thereby suffered. We might pro- 
ceed to make use of this fieu* ; but if we enlarge upon the general 
subject now, it may be stamped upon the mind with greater force, 
and will be of more service m another part of this paper. 

We believe that the soul goes to sleep after the body, and 
wakens up after it. When the body is perfectly awake, the soul 
is kept awake by it : when ihe body is reagitated in its nerves and 
memoers during sleep, in some such manner as it was agitated 
when awake, the soul is aroused to pay attention to the informa- 
tion the body has to impart A man awakes in the morning, he 
finds he has been dreaming during the night ; but the dream has 
made littie impression, and is not remembered. Here the body 
has been only slightly agitated, and the soul has been aroused in 

Eroportion. On another morning he remembers a dream whidi 
e has had during the preceding night ; but it is very confiised in 
the events pourtrayed oy it. Here the body has been more agi- 
tated than in the preceding case, and the mind has been aroused 
to better attention. Another dream which he has had is remem- 
bered with distinctness, all of it is clear and well connected. Here 
the body has been almost awake, and the soul has been aroused 
to deep attention. We believe also that it will be invariably 
found Miat the dream is only a repetition of something which has 
been acted, experienced, or done on the day before the dream, or 
at some time previous. We have a scriptural declaration that 
a dream cometh through the multitude of business ; this mu9t be 
true, and the only question is, whether the soul is repeating, inde^ 
pendentiy of the body, previous events, or whether it is l£e body 
which is reagitated in its nerves and members, and through them 
arouses the soul to attention. Now, it seems quite plain that the 
body is the mover and promoter of dreams. When the body is in a 
state of health, the man seldom or never dreams, and the more 
frightful or troublesome dreams attend those whose bodies are 
sici or diseased. Now, the soul is not always sick when the body 
is : it may be rejoicinff and in a state of happiness and composure, 
whilst the body is raxJed with pain or loaded with disease. The 
frightful dream, therefore, cannot come from the soul, which has 
experienced no sorrow or fflckness ; it must come from the body 
which is then only reagitated in its nerves and members. This 
appears still more clearly, when we consider that we cannot, even 
when fully awake, recall the feeling of past pain ; but that, when 
during sleep, the nerves and members of the body are suitably 
agitated, the body arouses the soul, and the soul during sleep 



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1853.] ^ Sleep of the Sml 69 

perceives and realizes the pain of the bodily members. But the 
soul knows nothing by its own immediate perception, all its know* 
led^e is derived m>m the body ; the soul acquires no information 
whust the body is asleep, and the soul, to all practical intents and 
purposes, is asleep so long as the body is. The soul produces 
nothing fresh, and experiences noticing without the participttion 
of tbe body. Whatever the soul is engagied in, the body claims 
to be the moving cause of every emotion : every passion, every 
feeling, and everything which affects the soul, must come to it 
through the body. Therefore, the soul without the body is no- 
thing, and knows and feels nothing, and cannot be in action or 
passion. Again, let us consider that the soul of a child is young 
as well as its body, and that the soul of an old man anks into 
inactivity, for want of energy cm the part of the body to keep it 
awake. In&nts, and son^ old ipeopfe, sleep awa^ the greatest 
part of their time, and the soul is proportionably inactive. We 
read that God breathed into the nostrils of man tne breath of life, 
and man became a livii^ soul ; but we do not read of a soul and 
a body being separately formed, and then brought together to 
make a man ; and it is certain, that with respect to every man, the 
soul is bom at the same time as the body. The universe, without the 
laws of motion, gravitation, attraction, and such like, would be no 
universe, but a oiaos ; so man, without what we call a soul, would 
not be man, but a mere animal. We are not aware that Uie soul 
can be proved to be treated of in Scripture as a separate existent 
being ; nor can it be proved, we believe, to be sudi by any other 
means. The effects ot clairvoyance. Mesmerism, S(»nnambuli8m, 
Mid such like, must come into the same category as sleep and 
dreams. Whatever is told of these effects, is told of them as 
upon a soul united to the body, and the phenomena are much the 
same in all of these cases. An operator in Mesmerism or dair- 
voyanoe must, we feel sure, be near die body of the subject of the 
operation ; we do not believe that the soul alone can be suliject to 
his arts. Nothing arises in such cases but what the body partid- 
pates, or has participated in. The soul widiout the boay is no- 
thing. Now, as we before intimated, it is by no means necessary 
for our present purpose to know what the soul is, neither is it ne- 
cessary to compare the phenomena of sleep and dreams in human 
beings with phenomena of &e same dass in brutes, whatever any 
one may hda as to the true distinction between soul, life, mind, 
and body, and their various functions and offices : opinions, or 
even proo& on those points, are here unimportant ; and whether 
every one may acquiesce in all that has been said concerning 
sleep, dreams, &c., or not, is also here a matter of no consequence ; 
at present it is suffident if every one acknowledge that the soul may 
sleep, and may be, without detriment to itself, ^prived or divested 

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60 Heaven^ Selly ffades; [April, 

of all conscnousness. We shall insist upon the rest of our argu- 
ment in another place. 

Now, can we acquire any further information from Nature ? 
We think not: it seems simply impossible to prove from that 
source that the soul can exist in a state either of consdousnesB 
or unconsciousness independent of the body, and we have proved 
that, whilst depending upon the body, it can subsist both in a state 
of consciousness and also in a state deprived or divested of all 
consciousness. There is ^therefore nothing left to be inquired 
after. 

Let us now applv the single truth we have found. We cannot 

f>rove by it that the soul cannot go to heaven or hell when it 
eaves tne body, that body remaimng on the earth dead. We 
cannot prove tnat it cannot go to Uades under similar drcum- 
stances. The fact acquired, viz., that the soul can, whilst de- 
pending upon the body, exist without detriment to itself, deprived 
or divested of all consciousness, cannot prove that the soul cannot 
also exist in a state of consdousness apart from the body. The 
study of the nature of the soul and the laws of its connection 
with the body, so far as we are now applying the fruits of it, can, 
as we have seen, neither prove this last proposition nor deny it — 
it can give us no information on the subject It is plain there- 
fore that we must resort to Scripture as alone able to furnish us 
with materials wherewith to answer the questions proposed, except 
so far as we may think it necessary and just to bring in the re^ 
of the arguments just now referred to, wmch, however, we do not 
insist upcNQ as proofs per ae. Let us therefore have no more con- 
jectures and supiK>sitions derived from or suggested by the study of 
the nature of the soul and the laws of its connection with the body. 
Before we proceed with the examination of Scripture, it seems 
necessary to urge upon the consideration of all tnat we cannot 
have anything to do with Fathers and the ancient Church in re- 
spect to their belief on these points. We will listen to them at 
proper times — non ut interpretes sed e fontibus eorum, &c. — but 
then* views are not arguments, still less are they proofs. Only in 
historical questions is the opinion of an ancient of any intrinsic 
worth, and the only reason in the present case for umng the ojm- 
nions of the ancients is, that they, as living near the times when 
the New Testament was written, may well be supposed to know 
the opinions and belief of our Lord, or at least of apostolic men ; 
but we know what strange vagaries eminent men in the.Churdi 
living soon after our Lord's time indulged in, and how soon the 
truth was corrupted : and the reason supposed is therefore with- 
out foundation. Besides, if the Scriptures are our only guide, 
and contain all things necessary not only for our salvation but 
for our instruction too, we must not add to them or take from 

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1853.] or Sleep of the Saul 61 

them by introducing the opmions and belief of man upon any 
subject, and so amalgamate the testimony of Scripture and the 
testimony of men. Let us therefore hear no more of the opinions 
and belief of the ancients on this subject in this inquiry. 

Again, before proceeding to examine Scripture, let us lay down 
this canon or rule for our guidance. We must always Imve re- 
spect to the context of any passage, and generally we must 
inquire what truth or doctrine was intended to be established by 
the text and context, or rather the truth and doctrine upon what 
subject All obiter dicta^ as we may, without any irreverence 
and without denying verbal inspiration, call them, all dresangs of 
the text and context, must be discarded and put aside, that we 
may find the truth intended to be taught If we do not dili- 
gently and strictly observe this rule, we may soon come to the 
conclusion that because our Lord, in the parable of the virgins, 
said that five were wise and five were foolish, therefore hi& of 
mankind will be lost and half saved ; and because the king found 
at his supper a man that had not on a wedding garment, there- 
fore it is possible that some of the wicked may by stealth or 
surprise get into heaven, and that it will be necessary to discover 
them and cast them out If a judge in pving judCTient men- 
tions in the course of it some points of law upon which he com- 
ments, but which do not belong to the matter m hand, or only so 
incidentally, his comments are never considered as decisions, 
they are called obiter dicta^ things spoken of by the way, and 
the burden of the judgment alone is attended to. It may there- 
fore be sufficiently plain by this time into what contradictions and 
absurdities we shdl run if we do not take great care and exercise 
sound judgment in interpreting Scripture. 

We are now ready to examine the texts of Scripture which 
bear, or are supposed to bear, upon the whole subject in hand. 
It is proposed to examine them in the following order, premising 
that tnose texts which have a strong character or appear likely to 

S've us some information will be considered, until examined, as 
^longing to the class to which they are allotted, and that 
although every text bearing upon the subject in hand may not be 
examined, it is because those which are examined are thought to 
represent the others. 

Firstly. Those which cannot be applied to illustrate the subject 
on account of their own intrinsic natmre. The cases of our Lord's 
death and resurrection, of Enoch, Elijah, and Moses, come within 
this class. 

Secondly. Those which may be proved to have no reference 
whatever either intrinsically or in any manner to the subject in 
hand. We shall then have narrowed our field of examination, 
and shall be left engaged with — 

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62 Seaven^ Sell, ffades ; [April, 

Thirdly. Those passages only which have some truth or doc- 
trine in respect to our subject contained in them. 

We are sensible that flbis arrangement is imperfect, and that 
it may not be possible to adhere strictly to it, out we will keep 
it as much as possible in view — ^it will be at least an Approxima- 
tion to good order. 

With respect to tie death and resurrection of Christ, it ap- 
pears plain that we are forbidden, by the very nature of our Lord, 
to proceed with any consideration of those events in order to in- 
stitute a comparison between the condition of our Lord during the 
three days, and what man may experience during the time to 
elapse between his death and resurrection. Our Lord's death 
BxA resurrection are subjects for our meditation, and they illus- 
trate and enforce the truth of our own death and resurrection, 
and of blessed conseqiienoes to ensue upon our rising again ; but 
we cannot, we must not, attempt to dwell upon the condition of 
our Lord during the three days, so as to institute any comparison 
with the state of man between his death and resurrection. For 
whatever man is compounded of, and whatever the nature or the 
functions of his component parts, there was in our Lord's nature 
the divinity which is not in man. Perfect man he was, as well 
as perfect Grod ; still his human nature was at least without sin, 
and that fact idone is sufficient to warn us not to approach too 
near in our investigations with such an end in view as we now 
have. This case, then, cannot assist us. 

As to the eases of Enoch, Elijah, and Moses, the reader will 
readily understand why Moses is classed with Enoch and Elijah ; 
he will remember that it was never known what became of his 
body, except that we are told that Michael and Satan contended 
which should have it, that is, no doubt, whether it should be 
translated or should see corruption. We may well suppose that 
Michael prevailed, but as this is only a supposition, it must not 
be insistea upon here ; there is sufficient otherwise either to justify 
the dasnfication or to throw the case aside as having no reference 
whatever to our subject. The consideration of the case of Enoch 
will suffice for those of EHjah and Moses. Where is Enoch's 
soul ? where is his body ? May we stay here to meditate ? Is 
there anything to forbid our examination of the matter ? Cer- 
tainly not, so far as the person or the nature of Enoch is con- 
cerned. There are no obstacles here similar to those in the case 
of our Lord. Enoch was a man, and only a man. But if we can 
succeed in answering the questions where is Enoch's soul and 
where is his body, will the truth as to these points assist us in our 

? resent inquiry ? We shall do better by answering this question 
rst. It is clear that Enoch's soul and body have alwajrs been 
united and still are so and ever will be. Where did they go? 

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1853.] (yr Sleep of the Saul. 63 

Eitiier to Heaven or to Hades is the answer, for it is said he did 
not see death, and could not therefore enter a state of imcon- 
sdousness, which is death both of body and soul, although it may 
only be temporal in duration and therefore more properly called 
sleep. Now, if the soul and body of Enoch so renamed in union, 
it is plain no argument can be derired from that to prove either 
that the soul can exist in a state of consciousness when separated 
from the body or that it ciuGinot so exist. This case cannot prove 
that the soul at the death of the body goes either to Heaven, or 
Hell, or Hacks, (»r remains in an unconscious state till the resur- 
rection, because Enoch's soul never left his body. The only truth 
that can possibly be here evinced is, that when the body is made 
incorruptible, the soul and body will be found together again, and 
even this does not strictly follow from the facts adduced. The 
truth seems to be that, with respect to Enoch, the resurrection is 
past ; he never has and never will experience an intermediate or 
any other state or conditicm than that of direct translation to 
eternal glory. As our Saviour is now in Heav^oi with Ins glorified 
body, so Enoch is also there with his body made incorruptible. 
When therefore the body and soul of Enoch have never expe- 
rienced any separation, or ever been the subjects of any effects of 
tsach a separation, we cannot argue from his case to that of the 
souls of men whose bodies are mouldering in the dust We need 
proceed no further with this case, it cannot assist vs: as we 
showed befcore, the cases of Elijah and Moses are therefore also 
dii^osed of^ they cannot assist us. 

Let us now proceed to examine those texts of Scripture which^ 
although apparently bearing upon the subject in hand, may be 
poved to have no reference whatever to it, either intrinsically or 
m any other maimer. 

With respect to the ca^e of Samuel and the witch of Endor, we 
do not read that it was Samuel's spirit which appeared : it is said 
that the witch saw SamusL If the witch had power to raise 
Samuel at all, we are as much entitled to believe that die had 
newer to raise his body as that she had power to raise his soul. 
What is to limit our belief? Nay, it is mudi eaaer to believe 
that a person caxi have power to raise the body of another than to. 
believe that the soul can be brought to earth again ; for if the 
soul is gone to Heaven or Hell, or Hades, by wkoae permission 
will it 1^ temporarily dismissed so as to enable it to come upjon 
earth? WiU God work by witches? And if the soul deeps with 
the bodv, then how can the soul be brought to earth again without 
the body ? The mention of the ' appearance of a soul,' as the 
phrase is, but we conceive erroneously, in the shape of the body 
and with voice, would rather lead cme to conclude that soul 
and body must come together. There can be no objection to 

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64 Heaven^ Sell, ffades ; [April, 

the belief that the body of Samuel appeared, derived from the 
account itself; nor 3retm>m the nature ot things : the doors mi^t 
be open, or opened if shut, and there might be no other opposition 
to a solid boay ; and the Scripture account mentions none, nor says 
anything whateyer to lead us to suppose that it was Samuel's soul 
alone that appeared to the witch ; but if this does not please, then 
it follows that the whole affair could only be a mental illusion. 
The witch, by some magic incantations, or even without, might see 
Samuel in her mind's eye, and the Scripture may still be true. If 
she did see Samuel by her mind's eye, that womd be sufficient to 
justify the account ^ven ; and Samuel's speaking mi^ht easily be 
performed by the witch. Whatever view we take of the matter, 
it is plain that we have nothing taught us here as to any inter^ 
mediate state. 

The parable of Dives and Lazarus is no doubt founded upon a 
Rabbinical tale or legend. Abraham is represented sustaining 
such a character as it is utterly impossible he can sustain in 
Heaven. The representation as to him is however in keeping with 
the feelings and views of the Jews in respect to him : he is repre- 
sented in the character of a father or chief. Dives address 
Abraham as if he had power to extend mercy to him, and to send 
Lazarus to him, and to send some one to his brethren to convince 
them of their sinful lives, and our Saviour takes no pains to cor- 
rect the idea ; the conversation is sustained between Dives and 
Abraham, and although Abraham disclaims the power to send 
Lazarus to Dives, he does not so in respect to sending a mes- 
senger from the dead ; and our Lord makes no remark whatever 
upon the conversation. But we may believe that Abraham's 
bosom was meant by our Lord to represent Heaven, and Abraham 
himself to represent the Father, By this adaptation of the tale, 
our Lord was enabled to set before the Jews, in strong colours, 
the punishment of the wicked represented by Dives, and the re- 
compense for the sufferings of the righteous represented by Lazarus 
in the future life ; and to show the Jews, who sought signs fit)m 
our Lord, that if they would not believe the evidences they already 
had, they would not believe any evidence. And let it be noticed 
also that Dives says, ^ I am tormented in this flame ;' and speaks 
of Lazarus's fin^r, his own tongue, and cold water. It is im- 
possible to conceive of a soul tormented by flames, or having bodily 
members ; and the body of Dives was buried, and on earth. The 
unavoidable inference is, that the punishment spoken of was not 
bein^ endured at the time spoken of; and if not at that time, thai 
the latter part of the parable, as to the brethren of Dives being 
still alive, cannot receive a literal and direct interpretation. 
It may be said that the descriptions are only in accommo- 
dation to the imperfect knowledge of men as to future things ; 

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1853. J or Sleep of the jSouI. 65 

but if this be so, as we admit it is, where must we stop in 
figurative interpretation? With respect to the parables in 
particular, a great deal of the accompanying matter must be 
put aside as wholly irrelevant to the biurden of the parable — the 
truth or doctrine intended to be set fortL We may say that the 
words ' flames,' ' ton^e/ and ' water/ are figurative ; but we also 
say that the idea of time is not to be gathered from this parable. 
If so, then, to say the least, there is no doctrine here of a Hades — 
no definition of the place— no intimation that any further change 
awaits either Dives or Lazarus. On the contrary, the unavoid- 
able and direct inference is, that the one is in Hell, the other in 
Heaven ; and the object of the parable is merely to set before men 
the punishment of the wicked and the reward of the righteous in 
the next life, where God will adjust all the apparent inconsistencies 
and umustness of his dealings with the wicked and the good in 
this life. We see Dives in Hell, and Lazarus in Heaven, but 
there is no time given ; and the most we can gather fix)m the 
parable is the certainty of rewards and punishments, and that we 
must believe the evidences given to us of the truth of revelation. 
We cannot therefore make use of this parable. It will not en- 
able us to answer any of the questions proposed. 

There is a text which says, ' Who knoweth the spirit of a man 
which goeth upward, and the spirit of a beast which descendeth 
downward to the earth ?' The original is ^ the spirit of the sons 
of man,' not ' the spirits ;' and the same word, translated spirit, 
is used for the spirit both of man and beast It is not expected 
that any one will contend that this text has reference to the soul 
of man. We have nevertheless thought it better to produce it 
It is either only a question upon the animal nature of man and 
beast, or it has reference to the erect countenance of man and the 
downward look of brutes, with a suggestive question as to the 
animal nature of each. Even if we consider * spirit of the sons of 
man ' as meaning the souls of all men, the text proves nothing but an 
appearing before God after death. It proves nothing as to time — 
nothing as to either Heaven, Hell, Hades, or the sleep of the soul. 

Another text says, ' Or ever the silver cord be loosed, &c., then 
shall the dust return to the earth as it was, and the spirit shall 
return to God who gave it' Here it is evident, from the context, 
that all that is intended to be enforced is the certainty and solem- 
nity of death. There is no allusion to any intermediate state, only 
the doctrine that man shall not perish as do the brutes ; that there 
is something which God imparted to man which shall return to him 
again, and shall not perish. There would not be the shadow of a 
doubt about this if the words ' or ever * and ' then ' were not found 
in the English text, but these are not in the original Hebrew. It 
will be found that the plain meaning of the entire passage is 

VOL. IV. — NO. VII. Digitized bFVj^/v^/^ IV. 



66 Heavm^ HeUy Hades ; [April, 

this: — Remember now thy Creator m the days of thy youth or 
strength, before those things happen which are here particularised. 
These are the things xnentioned in the first seven verses of the 
twelfth chapter of Ecclesiastes ; and among them are the failing 
of man's body, his death, and appearing before Grod after death. 
* Or ever,' in the sixth verse, should be ' before ;' and ' then,' in 
the seventh verse, shoidd be a simple * and.' The word trans- 
lated * spirit ' is the same as that used in the last text, and may 
well be taken for the animal spirits — the breath of life ; and so 
the text may simply teach, and that by inference only, not by direct 
assertion, that the body returns to the earth ttom wheo ^ it came, 
but God takes possession of, in order to preserve that part or prin- 
ciple which makes the body capable of rising again, fhe passage 
proves nothing as to any intermediate state. 

In Heb. xii. 23, mention is made of the spirits of just men 
made perfect, to which the Hebrews addressed are said to have 
come. How could the living be said to have come to the spuits 
of just men made perfect? The context plainly shows that Paul 
was setting before his readers the fact that the old dispensation, 
with the law delivered fix)m the mount amidst such dreadftil mani- 
festations of divine majestjr, was no more, and that the Gospel 
dispensation was that to which they were then called ; and he con- 
trasts the forbidding nature of the one with the glory and be- 
nignity of the other. He does not say that there were then any 
spirits of just men made perfect. B^des, and what is more to 
the point, we must allow that the spirit of a just man must be made 
perfect before death : it seems highly dangerous to suppose that 
the souls of the just are perfected after death. Indeed it has 
struck us, with respect to several separate parts of the argument, 
how ea^ an access the doctrine of Heaven or Hades, in the terms 
of our first and second questions, opens, in unthinking and weak 
minds, to the belief in Purgatory. Tne spirit of a man justified by 
the merits of Christ, and whose enlvation and justification is per- 
fected by faith in Christ's atonement, is something peculiarly 
belonging to the Christian Church ; and St Paul contrasts this 
perfect righteousness through the blood of Christ with the state of 
things under the law, which could never make the comers thereunto 
perfect. The Christaans were odled to that which did make the 
comers thereunto perfect Consider the words * comers thereunto ' 
in the one passage referred to, and * ye are come to ' in the other 
passage. The soul must be as n^ect, in this sense, immediately 
oefore death as it ever will be ; but it shall hereafter find that the 
body has been changed and made to be no longer capable of warring 
against it (See Rom. vii. 15, 16, 17 ; Heb. x. 14 ; 1 John iii. 
9^ The mention of the epirite of just men is full of meaning. 
Tnere is nothing taught as to any intermediate state. 

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185a.] or Sleep of the Soul. 67 

Heb. vi. 12 proves nothing but that the righteous do inherit 
the promises — that is, that happiness is the future lot of the right- 
eous : the text does not say, * who do now inherit' 

A cursory fflance at Matt. xxii. 30, and Luke xx. 36, will show 
that what is were said of the dead is said of them after they shall 
have attained to Heaven, and after they shall have been accounted 
worthy to obtain that wwld, and the resurrection firom the dead. 
Nothing is said as to any intermediate state. 

£ph. iii. 5 has an appearance in favour of a direct translation 
of the souls of the rigmeous to Heaven ; but the words are, we 
think, too '-lender to hold by, unless greatly strengthened by other 



* It is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgment.' 
There is to oe a judgment after death, but when, the text shows not ; 
and therefore of course does not speak of any intermediate state. 

The raising of Lazarus, the widow's son, and others, can prove 
nothing in reference to our subject, nor enable us to answer, witiii 
satisfactory reasons, the questions proposed. From the drcum- 
stances attending these events, we may draw some very probable 
conclusions, but they are not in place here. 

Having then so fer narrowed our field of inquiry as to leave 
only texts of Scripture which do or do appear to convey some in- 
struction, or impart some doctrine in respect to the matter in 
hand, let us proceed to examine them ; and for convenience sake 
we will first take those texts of Scripture which would seem to 
give an affirmative answer to the second question. 

* This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise.' In this text it 
win be observed there are two declarations. I shall to-day be in 
Paradise. Thou shalt to-day be with me there. Now it is written 
in the Psafans, * Thou wilt not leave my soul in Hell, neither wilt 
thou suffer Thine Holy One to see corruption.' And we are told 

5' Peter that this was said of Jesus, * that His soul was not left in 
ell, neither His flesh did see corruption/ In the Psahns, the 
passage translated Hell is ^Ktr, which is allowed to be very accu- 
rately translated by Hades, and Hades is the word used in the 
passage in the Acts. It certainly appears to follow that by Para- 
dise om* Saviour meant Hades. Two Scriptures declare that he 
would or did go to Hades, and our Saviour says he is goingto Para- 
dise, which surely must be only another name for Hades. And the 
rnyme in a secondary soise, and after some use, might seem not 
jether inappropriate. The general primary idea conveyed by 
the word Paradise, as gathered from the use of it by Xenophon and 
others, is a place for uie assembly of animals of various kinds, a 
general gathering place for animals kept and reserved there for 
some particular purpose, chiefly perhaps that of hunting. Now the 
words hyw& in the Hebrew, and Hades in the Greek, mean strictly, 

D I g i^ec^y V3 ^J KJW I ^ 



68 Meavm^ Hdly Hades ; [April, 

as applied to a locality, a place sought for, an unknown, unseen, 
place, an undefined locality, a place about which we know not 
anything and cannot discourse of or enlarge upon in our conversa- 
tion. The rendering is not a place in which we seek for anything, 
but a place of the very nature and existence of which we have no 
information. In truth the words are of the number of those which 
are negative in conveying an idea. When, therefore, these words 
are applied to tlie dead. Hades becomes, as ^ifc^j^ also does, a 
great gathering place for the dead. So that if a person says of 
one deceased, he is gone to Hades, it is precisely me same as if 
he had said, he is gone I know not whither, he is out of life, he is 
gone where all the dead go, to the bourne from which no traveller 
returns. Now, therefore, if we say that our Lord descended into 
Hades, we say that the thief also descended there, but this Hades 
is not the Hades mentioned in the second question, the assertion 
simply means that our Lord and the thief both died, and the 
words ' with me ' might contain in them the assurance of a joyful 
resurrection to the thief. The words of our Lord would tnen 
mean: — This day thou shalt die with me; but as I shall rise 
again, so shalt thou rise again, and with me thou shalt live in my 
kingdom. Thy faith hath saved thee, thou art now one with me. 
We think what we have advanced is positive proof, if we consider 
our Lord's human nature only, but if we interpret the text as 
showing that our Lord in His Divine nature went to Paradise 
diu*lng the three days, the case assumes another aspect. We be- 
lieve we shall have followers, and those of sober and discreet minds, 
if we decline proceeding with the examination of the text until we 
can ascertain something more definite as to the meaning of the 
word Paradise, but we may remark that, if we obtain the meaning 
of that word, the question may still remain, whether our Lord 
speaks of His divine or of his human nature : if of His human 
nature, we think the question is decided as above ; if of His divine 
nature, the question is open for reconsideration. In the meantime, 
it appears certain that there can be no proof of the existence of 
the Hades of our second question, nor of any intermediate state 
whatever derived from this passage. 

Another text says, ' Death and Hell shall give up the dead which 
are in them.' Death is used here for the power or grasp of death, 
and Hell or Hades is synonymous with it. We cannot long 
sustain an impersonation of death ; if we could, we could not say 
death sh^dl give up the dead which are in Him, this would not be 
intelligible, there would be nothing but a string of words without 
any meaning ; so if Hades is a place for living souls, and no one 
attempts to maintain that any bodies are there, it would be too 
much to say Hades shall give up the dead which are in it. 

The text, and ' Death and Ilell (that is Hades) were cast into 

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1853.] or Sleep of the Said. 69 

the lake of fire/ must of course follow the interpretation of the last 
text, unless it contains fresh matter for investigation which it does 
not with reference to our present subject. But let us view it as if 
it occurred apart from the other. The expression, cast into the 
lake of fire, must shew that if there is such a place as the Hades 
of our second question, it must all descend into the lake of fire, 
the happy division along with the other, and that all the dead, 
^ood and bad, must go into this lake. This is impossible ; and as 
death and Hades are classed together as before, we must under- 
stand that death, and the unseen, unknown, condition or state of 
the dead, were now no more, for the two texts must go together. 
They however prove nothing as to the Hades of oiu* second ques- 
tion, nothing as to any intermediate state. 

In the text, ' And his name that sat on him was Death, and 
Hell followed with him,' it is quite evident that Death and Hell 
or Hades, mean no more than destruction of the bodies of those 
who should be slain ; the passage is highly poetical. How can we 
understand Hades following after Death, who here for the time is 
impersonated and represented as riding on a horse. The only sense 
in which it is possible to understand it is, that Death went on in 
his work of cutting down men, and as each man was slain he went 
to Hades, that is, was cut oflF from the earth, but this interpreta- 
tion will only more strongly prove that this Hades cannot oe the 
Hades of our second question, because Hades does not go about 
from place to place to receive souls. 

We have not then a single proof of such a j)lace as the Hades 
of our second question. All the passages examined appear rather 
to disprove it ; and if enlarged upon, we think the evidence to be 
derived from them against the existence of such a place might prove 
anything but light, but we forbear ; we shall have to take up the 
subject again when we have done with proofs from Scripture. 

Now let us consider the texts whicn may seem to favour an 
answer in the affirmative to the first question. We positively are 
at a loss here ; we have the greatest difficulty in calling to mind 
any passage which, honestly speaking, seems to favour such an 
answer. The case of St. ram's desiring to depart and be with 
Christ, and his discourse upon the earthly house of this tabernacle, 
and that house which is in or from Heaven, and the case of the 
souls under the altar crjring to God to avenge their deaths, will 
perhaps suffice for all, if indeed there are any others. 

If the fourth and fifth chapters of 2 Corinthians are carefully 
read, it will be seen that St. Paul, from the tenth verse of the 
fourth chapter, to the tenth verse of the fifth chapter, is setting 
before his readers the hope of the resurrection of the body. He 
speaks of being absent from this earthly body, and of being in 
Heaven with the house which is from or of Heaven that is incor- 

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70 Heavm^ MeU, Hades ; [ApA, 

ruptible ; but he says we are confident and willing rather to be 
absent firom the body and to be present with the Lord. Now we 
cannot be present with the Lord in our house or body, which is 
from or of Heaven, so long as our earthly body is in the grave. 
St. Paul, therefore, when using the words * present with the Lord,' 
means present with him in our risen, incorruptible, bodies, and 
this of course cannot be until the resurrection. He says, indeed, 
* knowing that whilst we are in the body we are absent from the 
Lord,' but he does not say that inmiediately upon leaving the 
body, or being absent from the body, we pe present wiA the 
Lord, nor does he say that he is wiUing to be absent from the 
body in order to be, immediately after quitting it, present with the 
Lord. And the idea of the last day, the general resurrection, is 
still kept up, for he afterwards says * we must all appear before the 
judgment seat of Christ, that every one may receive the things 
done, in his body according to that he hath done, whether it be 
good or bad.' We shall justii^ the position of the comma after 
' done ' when we make use, hereaner, of the latter part of this passage. 
At present we have elicited nothing as to any intermediate state. 

Now, as to the souls under the altar. Occurring as the passage 
does, in a very poetical book, where the ordinary rules of language 
fail, perhaps more than in respect to any other book that was ever 
written, we might beg leave to pass over it, satisfied as we are 
that we can get no information from it for our present purpose ; 
but lest this liberty may not be conceded, we observe that it 
appears to mean nothing more than that the blood of those slain 
for the sake of God and His truth, ever cries aloud for vengeance. 
The giving of white robes to the souls, has no meaning in refer- 
ence to our present subject, — the language is poetical. How could 
souls have robes given to them ? It may be said that the word 
souls must be taJcen literally, and the words white robes figura- 
tively, but we protest against such shifting of the rules of inter- 
pretation. It IS better to treat the text as we have done, and 
admit its high poetical colouring. We therefore have yet no 
proof or intimation of any intermediate state. 

We have now left for our consideration those passages which 
seem to favour an affirmative answer to the third question, and 
here we must bring in probabilities, not for the mere purposes of 
this third question, which would of course be unfair, but to wind 
up the whole paper, and extract what we can from our labours, 
allotting probabilities without partiality. 

In the cases of the ruler's daughter (Matt. ix. 24), and of 
Lazarus (John xi. 11 — 14), it is remarkable how careful our 
Saviour appears to be of the language he uses. He says to those 
waiting about the young girl, * The maid is not dead, but 
sleepeth;' and the bystanders, knowing certainly that she was 

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1853.] (yr Sleep qf the JSaul. 71 

dead, laughed him to scorn. He said on the other occasion to 
his disciples, ' Our friend Lazarus sleepeth ; and I go to awake 
him out of his sleep/ The disciples acquiesced in aU simpUcitv ; 
and Jesus, seeing nis words were not imderstood, said plainly, 

* Lazarus is dead.' Now here we have two dead subjects, of one 
of which Jesus said, ' She is not dead, but sleepeth,' and of the 
other, * He is dead,' after having first made trial of the word 

* sleepeth' to convey his meaning. In both cases, then, he desired 
to teach his disciples and the hearers some important doctrine or 
truth, for we cannot suppose that he was tantalizing their feelings 
or jesting or sporting with them. We ask, is it not evident that 
he wished to lead them to the truth of a glorious resurrection, as 
he taught it to Martha, the sister of Lazarus, and to teach that 
the soul sleeps from death until the resurrection ? 

Daniel says, ' and many of them that sleep in the dust of the 
earth shall awake^ some to everlasting life and some to shame and 
everlasting contempt' He does not say, many of the bodies^ 
although that is very unimportant ; the text certainly gives one 
the idea of body and soul awaking together, either to begin the 
everlasting life, or to begin to endure the shame and contempt. 

The whole tenor of the warnings of our Lord and his apostles 
and all the writers of the New Testament, is that every one is to 
receive in the body the things done, accordinff to that he hath 
done, whether it be good or b^. We justify tne position of the 
comma just noticed as well by the sense of the passages and their 
interpretation, taken in connection with other Scripture, as by the 
grammatical construction of the original Greek in 2 Cor. v. 10, 
where, we are inclined to think, the jpreposition S*a decides the 
point In 2 Cor. v. 10, ' done' is not m the original. We read 
it, receive through or by means of, or in the body, the things, 
that is, the fruit of the things done in the bodv ; and this meaning 
the verb translated ' receive helps to establish, or at least |^atiy 
favours.* We, therefore, think this passage excludes the idea of 
the soul existing in any state of consciousness after the death of 
the body, and helps to prove the sleep of the soul. 

Our Saviour speaks of men being either cast into hell or ad- 
mitted to heaven with the body, and he makes use of the words 
enter into life. Now, although we ftdly admit that this language 
is highly figurative, yet we «3so think that the passage at least 
gives us the impression of a first entering into a happy or miser- 
able state at the resiurection of the body, and consequently helps 
to prove the sleep of the soul. 

We read agam, * Yea, saith the spirit, that they may rest from 

* See the last number of this Joonml, ^. 396. We were not aware that we had 
any countenance from others, for our mterpretation, before we received that 
number. 

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72 Heavmy Hdly Hades ; [April, 

their labours.' Does it seem sufficient to interpret this of the 
mere earthy substance of man ? Is it nothing to say that a con- 
trary supposition would imply that the righteous lose all reward 
during the time elapsing between their death and resurrection ? 
Surely the resurrection to life at all is a rich reward, and unless 
we have some divine instructions upon the point, we must not 
cavil because God has not given us as much as he might have 
done. We might as reasonably complain that we were not bom 
in the time of Abel, and saved, that we might not have lost the 
years of enjoyment from his time to our resurrection. The text, 
we are induced to think, helps to prove the sleep of the soul. 

St. Paul says, ' Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of 
righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall give me 
at that day, and not to me only, but unto all them also that love 
His appearing.'^ How striking is the absence of all allusion to 
any intermediate state. He speaks like one about to go to sleep, 
who expects to awake in the morning ; he says, the crown shall be 
given at that day, the day of judgment, and it is to be ^ven to all 
who love the appearing of Christ. Everything has reference to this 
appearing; and the text strengthens the proof of the sleep of the soul. 

Again, St. Paul said. He knew his Saviour was aole to keep 
that which he had committed to Him against that day, St. Paul 
looked forward with joy as the primitive Christians ardently and 
fondly did to the resurrection of the body, when they expected the 
promised glory and bUss. The thing committed by Paul to his 
oaviour was his body and whole life and soul ; that day was the 
resurrection-day, which was one of the great themes of the 
apostle's teaching, one upon which he delighted to dwell; his 
whole man seems to thrill with joy at the contemplation of it, and 
why should he think so much of it if he knew his soul would quit 
his body at death, and go either to heaven or to the happy portion 
of Hades ; and why should he lose sight of the soul as oistinct 
from the body, and spend all his eloquence and warmth upon the 
body's destination ? The answer seems obrious — because he be- 
lieved, and by divine inspiration taught, in this as in other pas- 
sages, the sleep of the soul ; for it must be observed that Paul, 
when treating of the resurrection, does not bring forward with 
any prominence any of those accompaniments of the second 
appearing of Christ, such as we find, or think we find, spoken of 
in the Revelation. What he says has reference only, or at least 
chiefly and beyond comparison to his own individual happiness, 
and that of those he addresses, at that glorious period. 

It does appear to us that, unless we believe m the doctrine of 
the sleep or the soul, we cannot account for so much feeling ex- 

»» Comp. 1 Thess. ▼. 23. 

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1853.] or SUep of the Saul. 73 

hiUted, such glowing and heart-stirring language used, throughout 
the New Testament, but especially by St. Paid, in reference to the 
resurrection of the body, nor for the entire absence of any mention 
of the soul as a separate existent thing, and of any allusion to 
any intermediate state. 

when we reflect upon the proofe and reasoning adduced above, 
we are led to the behef that the body and soul of man make the 
man ; that they never were and never will be disunited ; that the 
soul shall go to sleep with the body at death ; and that, when the 
body is awakened on the morning of the resurrection, the soul 
will be aroused, and rise and partake of the glorious renovation of 
the body. And when we call to mind all that we said before con- 
cerning sleep, dreams, &c., we are so strengthened in our belief 
that, although with some little and yet very littie diffidence, we 
submit that our third question is satisfoctorily answered in the 
affirmative to the negation of the other two. 

But to strenffthen this conclusion, and as we have now done with 
regular proof, let us ofier a few observations upon our subject. 

How IS it that in the account our Lord himself eives of His 
coming to judge the world, the righteous and the wicked are both 
represented as ignorant of the sentence to be pronounced upon 
them ? It is hardly possible to suppose that, if their souls had 
been conscious in any intermediate state, they coidd answer their 
Judge as thejr are said to do. But we do not much insist upon 
this. What is said as to their answers may only be intended to 
show the humble modesty of the righteous, and the still bold 
wicked assurance of the bad at that day. Suppose for a moment 
that there is such a place as the Hades of the second question, 
how are the souls oi the righteous employed there ? We must 
remember there are no bodies in Hades ; what can the souls be 
employed in ? Can we come to any other conclusion than this, 
that thev will pass the time, say some of them six thousand years, 
in nothing else than constant uninterrupted unrelieved thinking, 
either of the joy or of the misery awaitingthem ? Do you say 
they are not sensible of the lapse of time ? They must, be sensible 
of it. ' Time is that which we now use, a certain portion of 
eternity.' « The an^ls must be sensible of the lapse of time, else 
they cannot be sensible of anything. Do you say we know not 
what happiness God may give to the souls of the righteous, nor 
what misery to the souls of the wicked in Hades ? We answer, 
of course not; we know nothing about it; God has told us 
nothing about it, and therefore we have no right to come to con- 
clusions about it. But if it is said that the souls in Hades 
experience more positive joy and misery than we have intimated, 

" Cicero. 

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74 Heaven, Hell, Hades ; [April, 

we ask what greater happiness or misery will they then have in 
Heaven or llell, and why is the body so often mentioned in 
descriptions of or discourses upon the resurrection, and the soul 
seldom or never ? and if it is admitted that they experience only 
the happiness or misery of expecting what is to come, then we say 
that the opinion is altogetno: unworthy of Christians. But, 
worthy or unworthy, there is no proof of such a place, and there- 
fore no proof of any division of it into a happy and an unhappy 
part : all is the merest conjecture. 

We have seen that there is hardly a standing place for inquiry 
as to the first question, and certaanly nothing to enable us to 
answer the question in the affirmative. 

If, however, we review all the texts of Scripting brought for- 
ward, we think it will be plain that there is abimdant proof, not 
only from those texts which we have produced last, but from those 
which are prima facie treated as affording evidence in favour of a 
Heaven or Hell or Hades, in the terms of the first and second 
questions, that the soul sleeps from the death of the body till the 
resurrection day. 

The belief in Hades appears to be of pagan origin ; the body 
was nothing to the ancient neathen : all their thoughts were about 
the soul. The contrary is the case with Scripture writers : the 
body is never lost sight of, and that because they knew that the 
body and soul made the man, and could never be separated — 
that, in fact, man could not exist, either dead or alive, without 
a soul, although that soul might sometimes sleep, whether it 
were during each returning night, or during the time to elapse 
between what is called death, but which our Lord calls sleep, and 
the resurrection ; and because in the sleep of the body was recog- 
nised the sleep of the soul, and in the resurrection of the body 
the resurrection of the soul. As to the belief in Hades, sup- 
posing it established, supporting a beUef in Purgatory, we need 
not say much. The inference would be unfounded, that is plain ; 
but when we remember that as the tree falls, so it lies, let us also 
remember that the earnest desire of the true Christian should be 
to be conformed to his Saviour here, to hate and abhor all sin, to 
groan under the body in which sin still exists, and that he will 
then rejoice and be comforted in the expectation of that day when, 
after having slept sweetly in Jesus, his body shall be raised in- 
corruptible, and no longer liable to sin ; and his soul renewed here, 
shall then have nothing to hinder the attainment and possession 
of that perfect purity, that oneness with God which ne strove 
after on earth. 

We forbear entering into the subject of the attendant circum- 
stances of the resurrection supposea to be disclosed in the Reve- 
lation ; we feel a conviction, however, that the adoption of the 

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1853.] or Sleep of the Said. 75 

truth which we think we have in this paper established, will remove 
a host of difficulties to the interpretation of that book. 

We had finished this article before we received the last 
number of the ' Journal of Sacred Literature.' Several matters 
in that number seem to require notice here. And first as to the 
text Luke xx. 27, et seq. mentioned in the letter of J. E. The 
Sadducees asked a captious question. Our Saviour knew that 
thev asked it in such a spirit and manner as made it equivalent to 
theup saying, * There is no resurrection ; for how can seven hus- 
bands hereafter have one wife, who was the wife of each of them 
in succession upon earth?' Our Saviour in reply says, 'They 
who have risen from the dead neither shall marry nor be given in 
marriage.' Now this, putting out of view our Saviour's divine 
authority as a teacher, was a mere assertion, without proof. If it 
were true, the objection of the Saducees woidd necessarily fall, but 
our Saviour goes to the root of the matter, and proceeds to prove 
the resiurection of the dead by regular process. He says, * God 
spake of Himself to Moses as the God of Abraham, Isaac, and 
Jacob. Now, if Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were dead, that is, 
according to your belief, annihilated, God could not have thus 
spoken, ror he is not a God of the dead, but of the living, for all 
live to Him. Therefore Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob are not anni- 
hilated, but live to God, as do all men, the dead included. If, 
then, the so-called dead are only asleep, they shall undoubtedly 
rise again, as surely as you each morning rise from your sleep.' 
Our Saviour could not prove that the dead rise again by proving 
that the dead are alive, taking these words in their ordinary mean- 
ing. The latter term involves a contradiction ; but even taking 
the words * All live to him,' that is, the truth deduced from the 
words of God to Moses, as proving an intermediate waking con- 
scious state, our Savioiu* could not prove from this the resurrection 
of the body. We cannot see how proof that the soul is alive or 
awake after death can show that the body will live again ; but we 
can see that such proof would afibrd a powerful argiihient that the 
body would never be required again, inasmuch as the soul could 
subsist and experience enjoyment without it. We mean this of 
course apart from the consideration of any other Scripture decla- 
ration on the subject. Then, on the other hand, taking the resur- 
rection of the body as firmly established, it cannot be .proved from 
that that the soul is alive or awake. Look at the passage as we 
will, we can find in it no proof of such a condition of the soul. 
But if, as we maintain is plainly the case, our Saviour's meaning 
was, ' All live in the sight of Gfod ; He regards the dead as only 
sleeping, and therefore speaks of Himself as their God ; the prin- 

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76 Heaven^ Hell, Hades ; [April, 

ciple of life is preserved by him,' then the truth proved, namely, 
that the dead shall arise or awake to renewed life at the resurrec- 
tion, is plain, easy, and natural. 

It is said, that to speak of the dead as beinff alive whilst the 
soul is unconscious, is unmeaning, — that life is life only when there 
is consciousness. Now, we are quite willing to join issue, and 
take our stand upon this proposition. Let us see what it leads to. 
If a man is not alive except during the time he is in a state of 
consciousness, then he is not alive during common sleep. There 
must be no doubt about that ; and this is just what we are inclined 
to aflSrm. With respect to the general subject in hand, we say a 
man is no more dead during so-(^ed death than during common 
sleep. But it may be said that the word consciousness in the pro- 
position is not used in the same sense as is here put upon it, and 
that during common sleep a man is conscious, because, for instance, 
if you wound his flesh it feels pain, and he is aroused, whereas 
during so-called death no mortal can awake him. We are again 
willing to accommodate ourselves to the objector. A man, then, is 
conscious during common sleep, because his fellow men can cause 
him to feel, and can arouse him. Is there any difference, we ask, 
when he is, as it is said, dead, and the Almighty God can arouse 
him and cause him to feel ? And what kind of consciousness has 
a man who has been stunned by a blow, or has fallen down in a fit, 
or is under the influence of chloroform ? In all these cases a man 
is as much alive as he is during common sleep, and yet, although 
alive, his fellow men can not arouse him or make him feel, no not 
even when, in some of the conditions mentioned, the surgeon's knife 
is in dreadful operation. What, then, becomes of the supposed 
test of consciousness ? In common sleep ; when stunned ; in a fit ; 
when under the influence of chloroform ; when, as it is said, dead ; 
man has the same kind of consciousness, and either his fellow men 
or God can arouse him. All the conditions mentioned are in the 
same category, for it must be remembered that God works no new 
creation at the resurrection ; although greatly changed, it is the 
same body that was on earth which is then called to life, bone 
comes to bone, and flesh to flesh. 

A grain of wheat cannot germinate unless it die : we have divine 
authority for this. Now, * die ' here cannot mean ' be annihilated ;' 
and, accommodating the word to an inanimate thing, we say that 
the grain of wheat has the same kind of consciousness as the body 
of a man during the sleep of death. If we look upon the few 
remaining bones of a body long since buried, and at the same 
time look upon a grain of wheat after it has lain long in the 
ground, we may say of each, it is turned to corruption, but we 
must also say ot each, it is conscious, it has in it the principles of 

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1853.] or Sleep of the SmL 77 

life which are indestructible, the one for time, the other for eter- 
nity. Is not this the plain teaching of St. Paul ? He says the 
grain of wheat must die, and that it is appointed unto men once to 
die ; but he says also that the grain of wneat neicertheless germi- 
nates, and that the body of man shall reviye. So then we see, 
either that a man has no life during conunon sleep and those other 
conditions we have mentioned, and during so-called death, or else 
he is always alive, both during sleep, in those conditions, and 
during the state of so-called death. We need hardly say that 
the words Ufe, death, &c., must be imderstood according to the 
nature of the accompanying words, and in harmony with the fore- 
going remarks. Our Saviour seems to have taught the latter of 
the two doctrines, as our observations on the cases of the young girl 
and of Lazarus show. And in the text now imder consideration 
he teaches the same thing. ' All live to God. But the dead sleep. 
They shall therefore rise again.' What J. E. considers the strongest 
and plainest text in the New Testament in favour of the doctrine 
of Heaven, Hell, or Hades as places of intermediate reception, we 
consider one of the weakest ; or rather we think it has nothing to 
do with the subject. 

In concluding our remarks upon this text we wish to point out 
a feet which will bear some thought, namely, that with respect to 
this text the question was, annihilation or non-annihilation, resur- 
rection or no resurrection. Our Savioiu* proved non-annihilation 
and a resurrection, by proving that all live to God : we have shown 
that if the passage * all live to God ' means * souls are in an inter- 
mediate, waking, conscious state,' the resurrection and non-anni- 
hilation is not proved, because the body is not considered at all, 
therefore Mive' must have the meaning we have pointed out, 
namely, that the dead have always in them the principle of life, 
and therefore should be rather said to sleep. We must therefore 
read * God is not the God of the annihilated, but of the sleeping 
dead.' Christ is God. Christ is Lord of the dead and living, 
rherefore God is God of the dead (and living). Comp. Luke xx. 
38 ; Rom. xiv. 9. The two texts are both true ; therefore ' dead,' 
* live,' ^ living,' cannot have the same meaning in both. Read the 
passages according to our view, and all is plain. 

And here we would suggest, for deep consideration, whether 
Death is not said to be a conqueror, the last enemy, &c., because 
the last triumph of the faith of a Quistian is in resigning him- 
self thankfully and joyfiilly to a death or sleep which involves a 
temporary, though perhaps long, state of unconsciousness. If the 
soul of the righteous man goes immediately after death to Heaven 
or Hades, we must confess we cannot see how death can be consi- 
dered as an enemy ; and this was always a difficulty with us, before 

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78 Heaven^ Selly Hades ; [April, 

we saw the doctrine exhibited by us in its fiill bearing ; but if the 
righteous man feels compelled to say, I know that after mv skin 
worms shall destroy my body ; if he knows that death will tnumph 
over him for a time, his faith must exert her noblest powers to 
make him look over and beyond that long sleep, the temporary 
and qium annihilation of his whole man, to that day when the last 
enemy shall be destroyed, and death and Hades be no more, and 
to say, yet in my flesh shall I see God. St Paul bids the Thessa- 
lonians not to sorrow as those that have no hope, because tJiem that 
sleep in Jesus God will bring vnth Mm. He does not say their 
bodies, but * them.^ And what need of sorrow, what cause for 
it, if those Christians were taught and knew that the souls of 
their Mends were already in Heaven or the happy portion of 
Hades? 

A parting word to all. Lay aside all prejudice and precon- 
ceived opinions. If we ourselves were not enabled to use great 
restraint, we should strive against our convictions and the proore we 
have adduced, and fail back upon the generally-receivea opinion 
upon this subject. And why r Because it is more congenial to 
oiu* fallen nature and pride, and calls for little or no exercise of 
faith. Some are perhaps afiraid of the doctrine ; we have just said 
in efifect that they should rather be afraid of the other doctrines ; 
but first find the truth before you are either afraid or glad. The 
writer trusts he has betrayed no haste and shown no desire to defend 
any doctrine, but simply to search out the truth. Some perhaps 
cling with fondness to a few afiecting hymns upon the subject. 
The poetry, however, is by man ; compare it with the word of 
God, and then retain or reject it as you may be convinced. Some 
speak of the doctrine as leading to materialism ; we cannot see 
how it leads to materialism more than the doctrine of common 
sleep ; but let us not mind what it leads to, if it be only the truth 
of God. Let us not prejudge. Let us examine every religious 
question without a moment's regard to feelings or consequences. 

It will have been seen that we do not dogmatically assert the 
doctrine of the sleep of the soul ; we do however say that the evi- 
dence in favour of that doctrine is most weighty, and that we 
cannot discover, either in the word of God or in metaphysics, any 
authority whatever for a contrary doctrine. Embracing this doc- 
trine we can understand ourselves and our nature, and read and 
understand our Bible as we never could before. Dismissing it for 
a moment, as untenable, we find numberless things in nature and 
our Bible either inexplicable or obscure. 

J. E. says that there is a great difierence between a matta* 
above our reason and one contrary to it ; and so there is ; but J. E. 
goes too fast : he should first show that there is some doctrine to 

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1853.] or Sleep of the Soul. 79 

be believed, and then, if one refuses to believe it merely because it 
is above his reason, he must be reproved. 

We cordially agree with J. E. when he says that if it is shown 
that any ^ven doctrine is posMky that is qmte enough ; but here 
again he nas not shown us that the Bible enimciates such a doc- 
trine as that which he defends. 

It is by no means necessary that a doctrine should be set forth 
in so many words in the Bible, but some standing place must be 
gained before such arguments as J. £. has used can have any 
place. 

We had, as we before said, completed this article before we 
received the last number of the * Journal of Sacred Literature ;' 
it was, in fact, in tjrpe, and we were therefore the more glad 
to find how entirely, in many things, the writer of the article 
*The Resurrection of the tiody' agrees with us. The line 
of argument he pursues does not render it necessary for him to 
take much notice of the doctrine now under consideration. What 
he says of it he seems to take for granted ; but we refer our 
readers with pleasiu*e to the article generally, and would respect- 
fully beg the writer of it to consider whether his own arguments 
do not necessarily lead to the establishment of the doctrine of the 
sleep of the soul. 



*«* It 18 scarcely necessary to state that the Jonma] of Sacred Literature is 
not to be held responsible for the views of its varioiu contributors and corre- 
spondents on this subject. Its pages are still open to the statement of other views 
different from those which have been advanced ; but not after the next number, 
as it 18 judged diat the readers will then have had enough of this discnssion. 



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80 The Nature of Sin, [April, 



THE NATURE OF SIN, AND ITS EARLIEST 
DEVELOPMENTS. 

The Christian Doctrine of Sin^ exhibited by Dr. Julius Muller, 
Ordinary Professor of Theology in the University of Halle. 
Wittenberg. Translated from the ori^nal German of the 
third improved and enlarged edition by William Pulsford. 
Edinburgh. T. & T. Clark. 1852. 

The Church before the Flood. By the Rev. John Cummino, D.D. 
London. Arthur Hall, Virtue, & Co. 1853. 

In all accurate investigations, whether of moral or physical phe- 
nomena, it is a primary necessity to isolate as much as possible 
the matter under inquiry. In order to accomplish this, it is often 
necessary to form hypotheses which can never be realized in prac- 
tice, just as in chemistry certain combinations are referred to oases 
which have only an imaginary existence as isolated substances. 
The questions which present themselves to the moral philosopher 
are more complicated than those which belong to the physical 
investigator, as physics in their turn are more involved than 
geometry ; but whatever be the inquiry, it is well to reduce it, as 
lar as may be, to a fundamental distinctness, to divest it of all 
extraneous complications, and for this pui^pose to train the mind 
to an analyzing habit, so as to discern intuitively what is essential 
and what is extraneous to the matter under consideration. Few 
subjects can present themselves to the mind of so involved a 
character as human transgression. The inquiry ramifies in a 
thousand directions. Sin in the individual, sin in the species, 
transgression against God, transgression against man, the viola- 
tion of conscience, the violation of law, departure from a revealed 
standard of right, departure from an inherent standard, are onlv 
a few of the varying aspects in which we may reflect on that which 
we call sin. We have to remember also, that each individual 
exhibits to us a separate organic mechanism, the moving power of 
which is the will held in restraint by the conscience, and swayed 
by the natural emotions and impulses. Each individual does, in 
fact, present a separate study of the whole phenomenon, and as 
that which is in an abnormal condition prescribes new laws to itself, 
so that we cannot trace out its development from that alone which 
we have ascertained of its original state whilst yet undisturbed, so 
the study of human nature reveals all the capricious results which 
must be expect>ed in tracing the movements of that which has 
strayed from a right path. 



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1853.] and its earliest Developments. 81 

How then can an inquiry into the nature of sin he disentangled ? 
There are certain considerations which help to do this at the 
outset, and of which all classes of theologians habitually avail 
themselves. It is within our reach to determine upon a funda- 
mental principle or norm of righteousness. We are made aware, 
not only that Grod is himself a perfect Being, but that he created 
man originally in his own image and likeness. We learn, also, 
that to man thus created a law was ^ven, definite in its terms, and 
reduced to the utmost simplicity in its requirements. Consequently 
we have the means of observing how a rational creature, possessed 
of undimmed faculties, with a will free to choose between good and 
evil, and placed in circumstances which were most favourable for 
the application of the test, acted when that test was imposed. In 
other words, an inquiry into the nature of sin leads us at the outset 
to a conaderation of the conduct of our first parents in the garden 
of Eden. That transaction at once supplies the clearest illustration 
of some of the deepest principles involved, and reveals to us his- 
torically the explanation of the chief mystery of the subject. We 
see therein that ' sin entered into the world and death by sin ; and 
so death passed upon all men, for that all have sinned.^ 

It is an obvious remark that the early chapters in Genesis which 
terminate with the account of the flood, reveal to us but little of 
the antediluvian world. That world cannot have been devoid of 
material for the historian ; it was, probably, not without its litera- 
ture, its brazen tablets, and monumental inscriptions, but these 
were swept away. Nevertheless, among the scattered fragments 
which have been permitted to survive, we have a very large 
proportion of that which throws light, we may say fearful fight on 
the subject of our present inquiry. Three great facts stand out in 
marked prominence : the sin of Adam, the sin of Cain, and the sin 
of Noah s contemporaries. We learn how the simplest law was 
broken by the fieither of the race ; how his first-bom was ere long 
ffuilty of the greatest crime ; and how the evil leaven worked 
uiroughout the whole family so as to bring down the sorest mani- 
festation of God's displeasure. And, as a happy contrast to this 
short but sad chronicle, the true principle of righteousness is illus- 
trated in the career of that patriarch who 'walked with God.' 
Within these slender narratives, therefore, lie the germs of all that 
can be known of sin and righteousness, of the principles and 
motives of human nature, and a picture of that nature is pre- 
sented both in its ruined and restored state. To contemplate sin as 
exhibited in the old world is the most instructive course that can be 
adopted by the inquirer, afibrding as it does the clearest illustrations, 
and being most disentangled of all extraneous complications, of any 
of the narratives which have been placed in the sacred record. 

VOL. IV. — NO. VII. o 

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82 The Nature of Sin, [Apil, 

It is needful to attempt a defimtion of sin, but in so doing the 
difficidty is greater l^n might be at first supposed. Our notions 
of right and wrong are in a great degree intuitive, and intuition 
has a logic altogether of its own. Sin is moral ugliness, and, as 
such, the antith^ of moral beauty, but it is well understood that 
beauty is altogetber a relative idea, and finds a separate standard 
in each mind that imdertakes the discriminating task. Again, sin 
is a departure from right precedents, and the sinful man stands 
in contrast with the just and upright This is equivalent to saying 
that sin is disease ; but physiologists will tell us that a standard ^ 
health is only one degree less difficult to find than a standard of 
beauty. If it required the combined graces of Grecian womanhood 
to produce the pattern from which the sculptor designed his mas* 
ter-piece, no less must the anatomist examine a multiplicity of 
examples in order to form a conception of a pa^ect physical con- 
dition. That standards of comparison exist, and have existed under 
all circumstances, is evident from the very terms which are habitu* 
ally employed. Where is the nation, however barbarous, where is 
the devotee of a religion however &lse, where is the mind however 
ill -instructed or distorted, which is not familiar with the disdno- 
tion of right and wrong, of beauty and ugliness, of health and 
disease ? The standards may be one or many, may be conceived 
of or expressed, but standaroB there are, and by them the ami- 
paring process is continually instituted. To the standard of right 
and wrong we may assign the general term of law ; and of sin we 
shall find no better definition than that of St. John (1 John iii. 4), 
* Sin is the transgression of the law J 

An inquiry, therefore, into the nature of sin assumes the new form 
of an investigation of law. But what is law ? Given a plain com- 
mand which may be obeyed or disobeyed, and we have a particular 
example of sin, but onfy a particular example. Could we have a 
command or system of commands, which should be capable of 
ruling the conduct of an individual in every particular, each de- 
viation would be apparent, and sin would thereby become more 
distinctly obvious. J5ut a free being cannot be made to gravitate 
towards a central body by any law so severely simple as that which 
constrains planets in tneir paths. It is not a mechanical problem 
which we have to solve, and we therefore cannot reduce its conditions 
to those simple forms which the exact sciences present The law 
which regolates human conduct may be from within or from with* 
out. It may be a law engraven on the heart, or, as we may 
express it without metaphor, an interior principle influencing th« 
will ; or it may be a positive command stated in ordinary language* 
suggesting to the reason and Uie understanding that by whidi uw 
wifi may be guided. The latter is evidently the more complex 

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1853.] and its ea/rlieH Developments. 98 

poceB& We do not, however, expect to find ^ther of these ruling 
uifluences existing independently of the oth^. No written law 
can suffice as an entire rule of conduct, no inward rule or light of 
conadence is left without the influence of prescrihed maxims or 
authoritatiye conimands. TTie nations of antiquity, from whom 
the written revelation was withheld, had formed even an objective 
law unto themselves,* and whilst they spoke of the good man as 
tenacem proposith they defined him as one influenced by the timor 
Deorumy and observing leges juraque. 

In pursuing our inquiry into the nature of sin and of the law of 
which it is the transgression, we shall have occasion to refer to Dr* 
Julius Miiller's wont, one that has been recently ^ven to us in 
an English dress by Mr. Pulsford, who by his labours as a translar 
tor has deserved the thanks of the Christian public. Dr. Miiller's 
volumes (one of which is now in print) afibrd an admirable example 
of German learning and patient research, enriched by that depth 
of thought for which the countrymen of Neander and Schleier- 
macher are justly celebrated, but without the heterodoxy into 
which too many amongst them have unhappily plunged. Hitherto 
the Ei^lish mind has shown its reverence lor authorized stand- 
ards of theology, and its cautiousness of entering uj^on new 
fields of inauiry ; the German mind has progressed, but m direc- 
tions in which angels might fear to foQow, so that with many in 
this country the very name of German theology is identified with 
all that is reckless in speculation and unsound in belief. Dr. 
Miiller, we hope, may be excepted from this swee^nng condemna- 
tion, and is one whose writings may be safely consulted, lliere 
is about his language and general mode of treating a subject 
much that is novel, if not repellent, to any one unaccustomed to 
travel beyond the pale of English literature, but the very effort to 
ascertain the meaning of this profound thinker will be foimd a 
useful exercise, and wUl doubtless su£^st much valuable reflection 
at the same time. We have alluded to the difficulty of laying 
down a satisfactory definition of sin or evil. Of the existence of 
evil and its univei^ recognition we can have no doubt 

< This element,* says Dr. MtOleri * is everywhere to he seen, when the 
history of the human race, the course of its developmeot in its main 
features, and as a whole passes before us ; it betrays its presence too in 
manifold forms, if we only cast a glance upon the nearest relations of 
human society ; and its existence cannot be concealed if we look within 
our own bosoms. It is a nightly shadow which darkens every drcle of 
human life, and which we ever anew behold swallowing up its fairest 
and brightest forms. 

* ' Sunt iDgeDils nostrifl semina innata Tirtatam, qno) si adoletcere Uceret, ipea 
DOS ad beatam yitam aatura perdaoeret'—CiCERO, Tuscul, Disp,, 1U>. Hi. 

G 2 

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84 The Nature of Sin^ [April, 

* We have, in common with the whole animal creation, the susceptibility 
of pain and physical sufiering; it belongs to this lower sph^^ the 
natural side of our being, and the victorious power of the spirit in 
surmounting the disturbances of this sphere is able to show itself doubly 
glorious. But in distinction from aU other creatures, man b the sub- 
ject of moral evil, of wickedness, it has taken possession of his spirit, of 
his very will ; if then this disunity has so penetrated into the spirit, as 
to set it at variance with itself, what has man greater in himself, by 
which he may surmount this internal self-disjunction ? However, this 
moral evil is not the only disturbing cause in our spiritual life — and 
yet in the manner in which it acts upon the conscience, it stands 
absolutely alone.** 

This internal self-disjunction, to which the learned writer makes 
reference, may be conceived to be a matter of universal conscious- 
ness, though, of course, in different degrees as the mind is taught 
to exercise a habit of self inspection. — We may regard it as an 
ultimate fact in our nature that we cannot bebeve evil to be its 
necessary adjunct. Let any one make the attempt to bring a 
man of blunted susceptibilities to a knowledge of himself, it will be 
premature to ask for an acknowledgment of sin, but there will be 
no difficulty in obtaining a confession of misery. The man, at 
least, knows that he is capable of more happiness, and the very 
fact that he lays the faults of bis condition on the circumstances 
in which he is placed, will pave the way for the personal thrust, 
that he has acted as his own enemy, and that ne has done so 
contrary to the dictates of the more rational side of his nature. 
Without defining what was the * law of the mind ' in the case of 
St. Paul, instructed as we know him to have been, even in his 
unconverted state, in that which gives a * knowledge of sin,' and 
how much more deeply, when he placed his experience on record, 
we may apply to mankind generally his remarkable words, as 
proving that sin is an intrudmg element, — ' I see another law in 
my members warring against the law of my mind, and bringing me 
into captivity to the law of sin which is in my members.' Horn, 
vii. 23. This consciousness of better and holier possibilities is 
universal, and in perfect harmony with that ever hoping, ever un- 
satisfied state which supplies one of the ffreat h priori arguments 
for the immortality of the soul. A notion of good precedes the 
reception of any outward law, and, indeed, is pre-supposed in the 
commandment itself; and if this notion is so deeply interwoven 
with the consciousness, does it not imply an innate oelief of the 
perfection of the original creation ?« It is matter for no ordinary 

^ Christiaii Doctrine of Sin, p. 27. 

* < The ffeneral and perpetual voice of men is as the sentence of God himself. 
For that which all men have at all times learned, Nature herself must needs have 
taught; and €rod being the author of natnre, her Toice is but his instnunent. 



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1853.] and its earliest Developments. 85 

rejoidng that fallen nature, even in its darkest aspect, bears testi- 
mony to the brightness of its origin, furnishing as it does some 
foreshadowing of the restoration that is to take place. We may 
therefore regard human nature, as prepared by its own constitu- 
tion, to receive a law for its guidance in an objective form. Men 
no sooner associate, either in families or communities, than the 
experience of injustice or wrong shapes itself in a law of forbear- 
ance and right. A partial surrender of the will is soon found to 
be an imposed necessity, and when a definite moral law is pro- 
mulgated, in which the hitherto abstract notions of right and 
wrong are duly embodied, its requirements are recognized as 
based on the primary relations of mankind. 

The promulgation of a moral law is the first and most obvious 
element of a divine revelation. It is a call from the Almighty 
Creator to fulfil the conditions of being with which he has invested 
the creature. It is compressed into a few words in the language 
by which Abraham is ad€u*essed : ' I am the Almighty God ; walk 
before me and be thou perfect ' (Gen. xvii. 1). Passing, there- 
fore, from the consideration of a general law of Reason to the 
revealed law of God, we make the transition from that which is 
indistinct and imperfect in its requirements to that which admits 
of no short comings, and we are bound to regard any deviation 
whatever from this more exact rule of conduct as ' transgression 
of the law,' or, in a single word, as Sin. ' Whosoever,' says St 
James, * shaD keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point, he 
is guilty of all.' Scilicet ut possint curvo diffnoscere rectum is an 
aphorism by which the exact requirements of revealed law may be 
illustrated. Straightness does not admit of degrees; a line is 
absolutely straight or else more or less curvilinear. 

Dr. Miiller devotes some of his pages to a successful refutation 
of Bellarmin and other Romish theologians who lower the de- 
mands of the divine law in order to make room for works of 
supererogation. 

^ The interest which the Catholic theologians,' says he, ' take in the 
distinction between moral perfection and freedom from evil, rests 
chiefly upon the endeavour to support the possibility of a satisfying 

By her from Him we receive whatsoever in such sort we learn. Infinite doties 
there are, the goodness whereof is by this rule sufficiently manifested, although we 
had no other warrant besides to approve them. The apostle St. PauI, Imving 
speech concerning the heathen, saith of them, '* They are a law unto themselves. 
His meaning is, that bv force of the light of reason, wherewith God iUumineth 
every one which cometh into the world, men being enabled to know truth from 
jfalsehood, and good from evU, do thereby learn in many things what the wiU of 
God is ; which will himself not revealing by any extraordinary means unto them, 
but they by natural discourse attaining the knowledge thereof, seem the makers of 
those laws which indeed are his, and they but only the finders of them out.' — 
Hooker's JSccles, Fol., book L chap. viii. see. liL 

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86 The Nature of Sm^ [April, 

fulfilment of the law, and the acquiflition of merit from Grod. Wher^ 
fore Bellarmiii makes especial use of the above distiiietion, by maiii«> 
taining that the commaod to be free from ctmeuspUcentia only belongs 
to the obligcUio adjinem. From this it is easy to be understood how 
the Protestant theolog^ians mistrusted a distinction which appeared to 
them to be fabricated merely for the support of erroneous doctrine ; 
still more so, since they saw their opponents immediately deduce from 
this distinction, assertions so destructive as the Bellarminian, namely, 
venial sins are committed not so much contra legem as much rather 
prteter legem, and are not sins absolutely, but only relatively ; or that of 
Stapelton : the oonmiand of perfect love towards God is not obUga- 
torium, but only doctrinale et informatorium. 

' The law,' adds Dr. MQller, ^ demands monl perfection ; with tlie 
consciousness of this demand, there is inseparably united an impulse 
urging to its fulfilment ; if now, notwithstanding this, the individual, 
once awakf^ned to moral consciousness, should in any way come short of 
its requirement, in what else can this short-coming have iti g^und, 
than in a tendency of mind which opposes the law and its impulse to 
obedience, therefore in the power of evil V — p. 60. 

It requires but little investigation of divine law, in reference to 
its demands upon man, to be at once convinced that by it ' every 
mouth is stopped, and all the world proved guilty before God.* 
Omne minus bonum hixbet rationem mail is a canon that at once 
humbles the sinner, and declares the attainment of a self-justifying 
righteousness simply impossible. For if we regard the divine rule 
as a standard of ultimate attainment, and strive after a normal 
development, we must not, as we are reminded by our author, 
overlook the different stages. As long as the impulses of this 
development lie in the pressure of proffress from imperfection to 
perfection, so long has it a teleologicdl cnaracter. Its endeavour 
is towards a prospective end, and to the developing subject there 
is no satisfaction till it is reached. There lies m uie very idea of 
a teleological development the supposition that at every step of 



Srogress short of the end, the condition of the subject developing 
oes not yet perfectly correspond to the idea of its being.' Or, we 
may transfer this truth from German technicality to the language 
of Scripture, by quoting the saying of St. Paul, — ' Not as though 
I had already attained, either were already perfect ; but I follow 
after y if that I may apprehend that for which also I am ap{Mre- 
hended of Christ Jesus (Phil. iii. 12). The practical use of a 
perfect law to imperfect creatures is the indication of duty. We 
accept the definition of duty, that it is the determinate moral re- 
(^uirement made upon a given individual at a given moment \A 
time. The law, therefore, is in such a reference brought to bear, 
not with a view to final perfection, but to present guidance, though 
without any lowering of its general demands. The same indi- 



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1858.] and its earlier DivelopmmU. 87 

vidual may, therefore, ^ delight in the law of God ' as a lamp to 
bis path, who fiilly recognizes the hopelessness of a perfect fulfil- 
moit of its claims. 

It would then appear, from all that we have advanced, that sin 
is the liansCTession of law, whether we regard that law as^ the in- 
ward law of our being, or that which is externally imposed on us. 
A deeper view of the nature of sin would reveal it as alienation 
from, ChcL We may, however, at this point stay to ask the dis- 
tinction between morality and religion, if indeed any true distinc- 
tion exists. If morality admits of definition, we should style it a 
oonfinrmity to the law of nature and reason. Unauestionably, as 
we have ah-eady hinted, there is in man, individually and socially, 
a certain normal condition, which, if not discernible amidst the 
rain and disorganisation which prevail, may yet be inferred, con- 
ceived o^ and described. Our consciousness of evil points to the 
^ood, our recognition of what is almormal suggests the true norm. 
Hence it is that right and wrong have an existence anterior to 
law, though there are passages of Scripture which seem to deny 
tiiis. TIhis we are told, * T& law worketh wrath ; for where no 
law is, there is no transgression' (Rom. iv. 15) : and again, * sin 
is not imputed where there is no law' (Rom. v. 13). Now, in the 
fisice of such unquestionable truths, we assert that sin may exist 
before the law has measured its extent, and the sinner may suffer 
before the law has prescribed the measure of his punishment 
The definition of sin, its imputation and its punishment, are dis- 
tinct from its existence ; but in a broad sense it may be stated 
that all OTganized oustence is a law to itself; it has its own pecu- 
liar life, and every deviation tram its normal condition, every in- 
trusion of a foreign element, is transgression of that law, and in 
fi^e agents becomes sin. It is possible therefore to know the laws 
of our own being, as we may discern the uniform sequence of 
cause and effect in nature before we arrive at a knowledge of 
God ; though the very process to which we refer, if carried on 
with truth and nnoerity, must lead to a discernment of that Al- 
mighty Being, the Great Author of life, to whom we owe all that 
we have and all that we are. 

* In the deep of our self -consciousness/ says Dr. Hfiller, * as its con- 
cealed hack-ground, the God-consciousness reveals itself to us; the 
descent into our own inmost is at the same time an ascent to God ; 
every deq> reflection on ourselves breaks through the cnist of the mere 
world-consciousness, whidi separates us from we inmost truth of our 
existeoce, and leads us up to Him in whom we live, and move, and are. 
We know nothing of any finite otject in an absolutely original nuanner ; 
as finite d^ects according to their nature are derived, our knowledge of 
them also must be derivative ; in an absolutely original and inunediate 
manner we are only conscious of God.' — p. 81 . 

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88 The Nature of jSm, [April, 

But if an investigation of the laws of our being is to stop short 
of an acknowled^ent of the source, our Great Creator, we are 
guilty of that which evidently implies a perverted and debased 
state of mind ; and, in like manner, to accept a morality from 
which the notion of divine authorship is eliminated, is to make an 
attempt that savours of atheism. There is one lawgiver, says St. 
James : EI^ e<yriy 6 Tfo/xoOimf ; and we may regard yopioQims in 
no restricted sense, but as implying that all law and right emanate 
from Him who made this worldly frame. What we call heathen 
morality, or the principles of virtue which were promulgated with- 
out a divine revelation, resulted from discoveiy, but not fix)m in- 
yention. God had already impressed his own laws on the consti* 
tution of things, and man, by an empirical process, sometimes 
guessing, sometimes blundering, deciphered in part the characters 
which were inscribed. We cannot forbear, in this connection, 
quoting the forcible language of our German friend. 

' Even in the arrangements of civil society, every true law originates 
with Grod ; and as such is to be honoured, as not being of human inven- 
tion, and in the faithful observance of which, the individual neither 
subordinates himself to himself, nor to his equab, but to God (Rom. 
xiii. 2). On this account, a so called lawgiver among men (properly 
a Tiaw-proclaimer) fulfils his function so much the more perfectly, the 
less he, in this capacity, assumes himself arbitrarily to make, or invent 
anything, and feels himself everywhere to be bound by a higher 
necessity, and only strives to be the purest organ possible, through 
which the divine world-arrangements announce themselves ; and, there- 
fore, the more solicitously he observes and allows himself to be guided 
by the real revelation of the thoughts of God, in the eternal moral laws, 
in the peculiar spirit of nations, in the course of their historical develop- 
ment. Human l^islation, were we able to trace back its acts to the 
beginnings, which coincide with the formation of a political constitu- 
tion, can never have the task of making the right, but stands itself 
under higher rules of right, whether they be eternal and immutable, or 
historically developing.' — p. 90. 

The Christian has no hesitation in attributing to God, as the 
Great Disposer, the authorship of all law and right. Morality 
we define to be the observance of that primary code which lies in 
the constitution of nature ; and as God is the Creator, so is he 
the Lawgiver. Hence God is the ultimate object of all moral 
obedience, and morality can never be severed fix)m relirion with- 
out destroying the very foundations on which it rests. JBut there 
is another point in which morality and religion coalesce, the con- 
sideration of which renders their identity yet more apparent. 
Morals, as all will admit, are founded in nature. But what is 
nature ? Man was created in the image of God, and as every 
step in morality is confessedly an effort to realise what man oti^ht 

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1853.] cmd iU earliest Developmentt. 89 

to be, it aims therefore at the same time at attaining to what man 
originally w(u^ in other words, to a conformity to what God is. 
Spiritual reli^on has for its object the communion of man, as a 
reconciled and restored being, with his Maker. The objects 
therefore of morality and religion are identical, and are based 
upon the same foundation. From this it is evident that all sin is 
a departure from the mind and will of God, and has its rise in 
that alienation of the heart in man, which causes him to obey the 
motions of his own selfishness. It is with this deep insight into 
the true nature of sin that David, in lamenting over a chme that 
was in the highest degree injurious to his fellow man, involving no 
less than the murder of one who stood in the way of his sensual 
gratification, addressed the Lord : ' Against thee only have I 
sinned, and done this evil in thy sight' (Ps. li. 4). According to 
the usual oriental mode of comparison, he omits the less in order 
to give prominence to the greater. The true antithesis of sin in 
its deepest significance is the love of God. As, on the one hand, 
the knowledge of sin is by the law^ so on the other love is the fid- 
filling of the law. Until we arrive at this point in the history of 
the mdividual we have no adequate guarantee of the realisation 
within him of that to which the law has respect. Law in itself is 
an indicator of sin ; it is something which assumes an antagonistic 
position to the human will ; it addresses the subject in uncon- 
ditional, uncompromising language ; Thou shalt and Thou shalt 
notj and in so doin^ arouses the corruptions of the heart, and 
*' ffin takes occasion W the commandment and works all manner 
of concupiscence.' The law in itself is but the 'letter that 
kiUeth,' and addresses itself to that principle in man to whidi it 
is adverse ; it detects the ' carnal mind,' which is ' enmity against 
God.' But we look around, not for that which shall reveal the 
defects of the spiritual organisation, but which shall give it its 
right form and prindple of action. What is the life-blood of the 

Spiritual being ? Whence shall that be derived which shall give 
oe action to every limb, and infuse health through the whole 
system ; which shall drive away by its inherent energy all that is 
abnormal, and present man to view, not as a degraded being, sold 
under sin, led away by divers lusts, but as exmbiting in himself 
the unsullied features of his dirine original ? Love, is the reply, 
love is the fulfilling of the law ; and the answer is still nearer 
completeness when we add, ' Christ is the end of the law for 
righteousness to every one that believeth.' Love is that peculiar 
attribute which, above all others, supposes actiri^, and tnat not 
the actirity of impulse or occasional movement, but the steady, 
ceaseless systole and diastole of a true life-centre. ' Love never 
fSeuleth' is an assertion which expresses its continuity in the indi- 

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90 Ths Hatur^ of Smy [Ajwil, 

vidual a8 well as its eternity in the perfected state. It moreorer 
does not concern itself, as do the reason and the und^'standing, 
with statements and principles, but rises to an entire devotion to 
that which is its object ^ It exists in a being whidi might be 
self-devoted, and yet does not dioose to be so ; but in a spirit of 
self-sacrifice comes out of itself, to live in and for another. Hence 
love can only be realised in the sphere of personal beings, which 
possess in themselves a centre of independent, individual existence, 
and therefore only in the absolute n^ation of an absolute sepa- 
rateness ; and just because this becoming oneness of personal 
beings in love includes the most distinct and perfect individuality 
— ^the antithesis of I and Thou— does it smw itself to be t&i 
highsnt form of tmity.^ Let this principle exist in the mind of 
man towards God, and we realise that which is, according to the 
Scripture in its universal statements, the proper essence of moral 
good. We discern an abiding motive, an ever-constraining prin* 
dple of right in its highest form : and all graces and virtues will 
as naturally proceed finom this as waters from the feuntain. Chris- 
tian ethics are brief, almost laconic, in statement, for the very 
reason that where love is present, the simplest directions will suf- 
fice. The bread of heaven is in this reelect scanty in am>earaiM^ 
such as a lad may carry in his little store, but a power is present 
which makes it adequate to the thousands of hungering soms, and 
when they have eaten, twelve baskets are alone adequate to con- 
tain the n*agments. This is development in its legitimate sense, 
not to multiply cases of casuistry and fill large folios with the 
ramifications of an elaborate system of ethics, but to grow in the 
knowledge of Christ and advance to the fulness of his stature. 
We therefore measure sin by this standard, as alienation firom 
Gody and as a departure from that which a principle of divine 
love would suggest as consonant to His holy law. If^ then, it 
appears from a rigorous analysis that the moral perfection of 
whidi the Saviour has given the only example is the true ^ end of 
the law,' it would follow, by reversing the mode of reasoning, that 
the standard which is the end of the law for man must have been 
the basis of tiM± moral constitution with which he was (»iginally 
endowed. The termmui ad quern of frJlen humani^ must be the 
termmu9 h quo oi humanity in its primeval state. Man's present 
state is a dark and gloomy chasm between two hills. What he 
was by creation, what he will be by redemption, are the eminenoes 
which he sees on either hand ; and as he surveys the configuration 
of the rocks, he recognizes that mutual oorre^nd^iee which coiH 
firms the belief that the chasm had once no existence, that a 
mighty convulsion had separated that which heretofore was in im^ 
brdken unity. 

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1853.] and its earliest JDevelapments. 91 

Oisr inTeetigation of the nature of sm, so far as we have pur* 
sued it, would reveal it to us, in its primary aspect, as a disturtuug 
consdousuess within the breast ox man of an element foreign to 
man's true nature. A closer in^)ection shows it to be the tran&- 
gresdon of law, whether the law be the ncmn of man's condition, 
or an eziH^essed rule of conduit Law, we have seen, is suggested 
by the necessities of man in a social state, but it is also distinctly 
revealed to us as the declaration of Grod's will. Hence we ad- 
vance to a higher aqpect of sin, distinguishing it as a moral 
alienation from God, and a deviation (torn the dictates of that 
love whidi is the ^ bond of perfectness.' 

We cannot, as we have already said, have a more instructive 
exemplification of the nature of sin than is presented in the primeval 
history of man. In the sin of Adam, and the circumstances attend- 
ing it, we have a particular case of a complex problem, in whi(^ 
the conditions are reduced to a simplicity eminently &vourable to 
accurate inquiry. The subjective law is in this instimce the un- 
sullied image of God, the objective law is a single commandment ; 
tiie sin is a distinct overt act, confessed by the transgressors them«< 
selves, rebuked and punished by God, marked by physical and 
metaphysical results which we are enabled to trace. The intar* 
ference of a tempter is by no means the least important feature 
of the transaction, revealing, as it does, a wider view of the king- 
dom of eviL We inquire, tfierefore, what law was given to 
Adam, and in pursuing this inquiry distinguish between thai 
which was alreaay implanted and that which was outwardly pro- 
mulgated. The image of God, as we have said, constituted the 
first, and it must be evident that this included aU that was essen- 
tial to man's nature in its perfect and happy state. This image 
and likeness, as has often been remarked, could not be corporeal, 
but must have been moral and spiritual ; it was therefore a con- 
formitv of will with the divine, a holy delight in the contempla- 
tion of the divine attributes — in one word, a fitness for communion 
with God. The primal * temple' of man's body was, in a deep 
sense, ^ a habitation of God through the Spirit ;' and though that 
temple lies in ruins, though the architectural structure is itself 
defaced by the elements of death, and the heavenly inhabitant 
quits his original abode, we have the means of inferring from the 
ruinous fragments what were the proportions and ornaments of 
the edifice. Hence we are reminded that the headien themselves 
may do by nature the things contained in the law. Conscience, 
however shattered or distorted, is nevertheless a mirror which 
reflects in some degree the light of heaven, and reveals some 
features of the divine image. But what this inherent law was, 
may be better apprehended from the promises given of man's 

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92 The Nature of Sm^ [April, 

restored state. * The writing of the law in the heart' is an evi- 
dent reference to that writing which was once exhibited in bright 
characters on man's original nature ; in other words, the law 
written in the heart is nothing less than the implanted * likeness 
of God.' But the primal state of our parent can alone adequately 
be understood by a comparison with Him of whom he was the 
type. So far as the perfection of humanity was concerned, the 
one may be compared to the other ; as it is recorded of the saints 
in their heavenly state, so of the moral work as it came from the 
hands of the CVeator we may say, we know that he was ' like 
Him' (1 John iii. 2). The first man, Adam, was made a living 
80uly and in him, as in the second, the divine life resided ; the 
difference lay in the power which the last Adam had of communz" 
eating the divine life ; he ' was made a quickening spirit' (1 Cor. 
XV. 45). We cannot forbear quoting from Dr. Cumming's vo- 
lume the glowing language in which man is described as the 
climax of the work of creation. 

* After God had made the earth, and formed all its living tenantry, 
it seems one was wanting to be the capital and the crown, the ruler and 
priest of all. The birds were in the air, those choristers of the earth 
whose song is the anthem of the sky, the fishes in the streams, the cattle 
upon a thousand hills ; but all still waited for him who is pronounced 
by St Paul to have been " the figure of him that was to come." With- 
out intelligence inhabiting the ^rth, without an eye to read it, or an 
ear to hear it, it would have been after all a very uninteresting orb, 
but when man was placed upon it in his meridian wisdom, strength, and 
health, then it was perfect; it was pronounced by its Maker to be 
" very good." Man was the eye of creation to see the hand that governs 
it, the ear of creation to hear the bidding of Him who made it, the 
head of creation to love God — the priest, in short, of creation to offer up 
its many-voiced psalm of praise, and to lift up its incense, perpetually 
to minister a holy Levite in creation, and before creation's God, 
giving unto him that made it all the glory, and the honour, and 
the praise. Man therefore was the last and the noblest of creation's 
birth-week ; his appearance crowned it. His body was made of the 
dust, but it was the efl3orescence of the dust; just as the diamond 
is made of charcoal, but is yet the diamond. His soul was made in the 
likeness of Deity, immortal as God was, and holy as God is, and happy 
as God is. He had in that garden the tree of life to shade him, the 
music of a thousand streams to delight him, the very branches of the 
trees were harp-strings that hymned God's praise, and it required his 
voice only to mingle in the universal harmony to render homage to 
Him who governs all, and would preserve all.' — p. 108. 

The revealed law of Paradise was an imposed limitation to the 
attributes of man, which, having in them so much that approx- 
imated to those of Deity, would have an inherent tendencv to 
aspire after that higher condition which was beyond them. Whilst 

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1853.J omd its earliest Developments. 93 

the book of knowledge lay open to an extent which is bewildering 
to our crippled powers to conceive of, there was yet a chapter 
held in reserve. One vista among the thousands of Paradise is 
barred, and in this one direction alone is liberty felt to be re- 
strained. Doubtless it was a restraint, and man was thus early 
* to learn obedience by the things which he suffered.' And was 
not the second Adam kept in ignorance on <me point f ^ Of that 
day and hour knoweth no man ; no, not the angels which are in 
heaven, neither the Son^ but the Father' (Mark xiii. 32). But 
the law which debarred the knowledge of good and evil from 
Adam was in perfect harmony with that inner law which was 
written in the heart. It was no arbitrary statute, no mere monu- 
ment of divine rule, but a law of love and of the utmost benevo- 
lence. Evil could only be known, as pitch can be touched, leaving 
the defilement behind. Ignorance of evil was inexperience of 
evil, and as good is but its antithesis, good could only be known 
83 such when its opposite was revealed. We have already stated 
that the existence of good and evil is antecedent to law which de- 
fines the idea. Adam might, therefore, as consistently have asked 
for a knowledge of pain without expecting the physical disorgan- 
isation which could occasion it, as to know evil without becoming 
a sinner. And yet evil had come into existence. Ere this, angels 
had rebelled, and their rebellion was known to those who had 
stood in their fidelity. The ' elect ' angels had had their day of 
probation, their merciful deliverance ; and we cannot deny tnat, 
in their degree, they had a knowledge of good and evil. Was 
the forbidden tree an obscure memorial of this mysterious fact, 
mysterious because no intellect on earth, no intellect perhaps 
among the heavenly host, has solved the dark problem how the 
distumng element should have been permitted to intrude ? The 
knowledge of evil was evidently the sharpest thorn in the Saviour's 
derisive crown, and was, throughout his career of humiliation, the 
one heavy woe that bore down upon his oppressed spirit. It would 
appear to have been an unremedied sore up to the moment when, 
by the completion of his atoning work, ' the prince of this world 
was judged.' Hence we may understand how those who are 
spot en of as * gods,' namely, the various orders of the heavenly 
host, had known * good and evil.' To be like them, even in this 
aspect, was the senseless ambition of our first parents. 

We suggest that in the tree of knowledge tnere may have been 
an obscure reference to the prior rebellion of angels ; but in the 
serpent there was the unquestionable leader of that rebellion. Sin 
did not originate in Paradise. This is a most important truth, 
perhaps even consolatory. The enemy of God and man was pre- 
sent and active, and in his person he manifested the connection of 

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94 The Nabwe of Sm, [April, 

evil in the present and past dispensations of tlte universe. Sin 
was thereby shown to be a disease of the dass termed zymotie ; it 
was the inmsed virus of an and^it rebellion, made to work in the 
veins and poison the energies of a new race. A deadly yet impo- 
tent blow was aimed at the Most High, not in His own unassail- 
able person, but in the perfected work of His hands ; and if that 
blow was successful, if the moral fabric tottered, it was not by its 
own weight, not by inherent defects of construction, but b^ extra- 
neous influences which were brought to bear. Perhaps this would 
render yet more obscure the question of the origin of evil. Let 
it be self-generative in every free agent — ^we may regard it as a 
concomitant, if not an attribute, of freedom, but in the human 
race it has not been so — what then is the inference ? Evil is not 
eternal ; the Manichean hypothesis is not for a moment tenable ; 
but was the Tempter ever the tempted (me? Can we suppose 
the links of an ascending series ? 

We a^ now. What was the temptation? It has been a 
favourite, as well as an instructive metnod, to trace in the Satanic 
wiles of Eden the parallel with the threefold assault upon our 
L(M*d in the wilderness, and the division is found accurately to cor- 
respond with ' that which is in the world, the lost of the flesh, tiie 
lust of the eye, and the pride of life.' We do not apprehend that 
any thoughtful student of revelation would &il to see in the sin of 
our first parents more of pride and unhallowed ambition than of 
mere desire of sensual gratification. But it would appear that the 
fact of the fruit being ^ pleasant to the eyes and good for food,' 
though mentioned as a portion of the allurement, must have had 
weight indefinitely less than the insight which it promised into the 
mysteries of forbidden knowledge. It is a common speculation 
that the residence of Adam and Eve in Paradise had not reached 
the length of an entire day, and, if so, bodily appetite can scarcely 
have been awakened. But assuming that the time had been more 
extended, it is evident that the ridiest fruits were constantly at 
hand to appease the calls of hunger or of thirst, — 

After no more toil, 
Of their sweet gardening labour, than sufficed 
To recommend cool zephyr, and made ease 
More easy, wholesome thirst and appetite 
More grateful, to their 8Upper*fruits they fell ; 
Nectarine fruits, which the compliant boughs 
Yielded them.** 

We have but to call to mind how the ^ groans of creation ' are 
now discernible in a stunted horticulture, to realize that Paradise 
must have abounded in fruits of an excellence beyond our imagi- 



* Paradise Lost, book iv. 

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185S.] and its earliest Developments. 95 

nations to conceive. Now, in the intellectual man, unreff^ierate 
though he be, the mere appetite for food is the least vod^rous of 
fleshly lusts — how much more subdued in the man whose heavenly 
lums teach him to keep under his body and bring it in subjection I 
and when we consider also that the lower desires almost cease 
when the means of indulgence abound, we arrive at the conclusion 
that Eve was less allured b^ bodily appetite than by a temptation 
of a deeper nature.® It is quite possible that tne fruit being 
^ good for food ' was an argument to the reason, even more than 
an incitement to the appetite. If good for food, then was it 
intended to be eaten ; an implied permission is therefore to be 
argued, and the fruit may be tak^i without sin. The lUUity of 
the vetUvm et nefas has in all a^ been a fsLvourite salve to the 
conscience, and an excuse for giving to sin a more accommodating 
title. In Eve's case we must realise what was alluring to her as 
an exalted and hitherto sinless being, what temptation was ade- 
quate to break down the barrier by which evil had been excluded 
mm her heart, and make her bold to venture, without rudder 
or diart, upon the trackless and unfathomable ocean of untried 
knowledge. The soul that has sinned may easily and without a 
pang repeat the sin, but the spotless soul, the soul that has tasted 
the heavenly gift, that has delighted in Divine communion, the 
soul to whicn the very name of evil is shadowy and scarce signifi- 
cant, how shall it be tempted to renounce Divine allegiance and 
disregard the threat, * In the day thou eatest thereof thou shalt 
surely die ?' The most subtie temptation which the sagacity of 
the Arch-fiend ever devised was the offer to Jesus of those king- 
doms which he had come to redeem, thereby excluding the neces- 
sity of the cross and of the sepulchre, and substituting an act of 
homage to the prince of this world. And what is remarkable in 
this effort of Satanic intellect is, that it has not been thrown away, 
for thou^ he failed with Christ, he has not failed with Antichrist, 
and the true church of God has ever since witnessed the spectacle 
of the self-strled ' Prince of the Kings of the earth ' ruling the 
pretended inheritance, while he bends the knee to the * principali- 
ties and powers ' of which he is the vassal. Of not less real 
magnitude was the allurement set before Eve. Or we may call to 
mind a temptation from which the most eminent of the saints of 
God was delivered, namely, the 'exaltation above measure' to 
which St Paul was liable in consequence of the abundance of the 
revc^tions made to hinu The thorn in the fiesh was given to 
buffet him, and God's grace was sufficient for him. The ' abun- 
danoe of revelations* given to our first parents evidently paved 

• The SQggestion to turn Ae stones into bread became a real temptation by the 
forty days nst by which Jesus was ' an hungered.* 

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96 The Nature of Sin, [AprL, 

the way for the peculiar assault made upon them by tlie enemj. 
There was a consciousness of intellectual strength, there was that 
appetite for knowledge which grows by what it feeds on ; know- 
ledge was to them power, empnatically. The kingdoms of the 
earth were theirs already ; they had dominion over the works of 
God's hands; but Satan spread before their gaze the celestial 
hierarchies of angels, that ' excel in strength,' thrones and domi- 
nions, principalities and powers, a vision transcending even the 
glories of Paradise. Ye shall be as gods I This was the tempt- 
ing offer; this was the dangerous rock on which they made 
shipwreck. 

Without referring to the physical results of the fall, we may 
notice the expression which really describes the moral effect. 
* The eyes of them both were opened.' The tree of knowledge it 
proved to be, but precisely of that knowledge which includes a 
miserable consciousness of estrangement from God. On this 
point we cannot do better than quote Dr. Cumming's judicious 
remarks : — 

* They saw what they never expected to see, and felt within them 
what they never dreamt of feeling. They saw a blot descend upon the 
earth, barrenness upon all the parts that were most productive ; cold 
and storm, disturbance, disorganisation, where all was beauty, harmony, 
and peace before. And they felt within them, a new and disturbing 
element, which they could not understand — that sensation which we 
know, and which we have all felt, called remorse, or the feeling that 
succeeds conscious sin, but which was then for the first time tasted by 
Adam and Eve; sin now shot like fire through every vein, and 
rushed, a corroding poison, through every artery, till their once bound- 
ing hearts were breaking, and their happy spiiits, oppressed by a crush- 
ing and inexplicable sense of misery, yearned and groaned for a deliverer. 
Is it not, however, so still ? While sin tempts the young man by its 
fascinations, his eyes are open to its beauty and its advantages, but 
closed to its issues. After he has been conquered by the temptation, 
and has yielded to the sin, then the process is reversed ; his eyes are 
now shut to its charms, and open only to its poison and its hatefulness ; 
and what approached him in the most fascinating garb, is now seen by 
him to be the most revolting and repulsive serpent ; his eyes are opened 
to see the dissolving chaim that fascinated him for a day, merging in 
the avenging curse that lies upon him like an incubus, till it be for- 
given by the blood of Chiist. Here still is Satan's policy: when he 
tempts to sin, the eye that sees peril is blinded, and the eye only that 
sees beauty is open ; but when he has succeeded, then the eye that saw 
the beauty is closed, and the eye that sees peril is opened : all was pre- 
sumption, when only the beautiful and the advantageous were seen ; 
all now is despair, when nothing but the deadly and the destructive 

' Church before the Flood, p. 161. 

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1853.] and its earliest Developments, 97 

TRie result of the temptation in the punishment which followed 
bears cbselj upon our present inquiry. Death had been threatened 
in the event ot disobedience, and death followed accordingly. But 
what death? It is very evident that, to understand rightly the 
force of this expression in the Old Testament, we must look at the 
various meanings of the antithetical expression in the New. No 
idea is so often presented in' paradox as — *Life.' 'I was tlive 
without the law once, but when the commandment came^ sin 
revived, and I died ' (Rom. vii. 9). ' I am crucified with Christ ; 
nevertheless I live ; yet not I, but Christ liveth in me ' (Gal. ii. 
20). * Ye are dead, and your life is hid with Christ in God ' 
(Col. iii. 3). We are therefore prepared to understand that there 
was no contradiction in our first parents surviving their transgres- 
sion. The forbidden tree was a upas, not literally, but morally 
and indirecthr. Adam lived 930 years before his body was laid 
in that dust n-om which he had been taken. Augustine tells us of 
tiuree kinds of death, but whidi he defines in each instance to be 
the loss on the part of that which dies of a constituent element 
possessed of a h^her vitality. The body dies when it is separated 
from the soul ; the soul dies when it is separated from God ; the 
entire man sufiers death when the soul, after reunion with the 
body, is banished from the Divine presence.^ This is the consum- 
mation of punishment ; the second death, the destruction of body 
and soul in hell. The immediate efiect was that form of death in 
which the soul is withdrawn or alienated from God. The trees of 
the garden became a spiritual buryin^-place, where our first parents 
thought to cover themselves from the eye of Deity, just as the 
body that is dead is covered from human sight by the dust under 
which it is laid. It is this moral alienation, which is the lasting 
effect of the Fall, extending to the whole human race, not washea 
away by any process so simple as the application of baptismal 
wat^, but which continues to work in every unregenerate soul, 
itself a form of death unto death, as might be expected, bringing 

s ' Cam erffo reqniritary qaam mortem Dens primis hominibus fuerit commmatiu» 
n ab eo mancuitam transgrederentar aoceptum, nee obedientiam custodireiit ; ntrom 
anims, an corporis, an totius bominis, an iUam qosB appeUatar secnnda ; rospon- 
dendom est, omnes. Prima enim ex doaboa constat ; secunda ex omnibus tota. 
SIcat enim nniyersa terra ex mnltis terris, et universa Ek^^lesia ex moltis constat 
Koclesiis ; sic nniversa mors ex omnibus. Quoniam prima constat ex duabus, una 
animse, altera corporis ; at sit prima totius hominis mors, cum anima sine Deo et 
sine corpore ad tempos pcsnas liut ; secunda Tero, ubi anima une Deo cum corpore 
pcenfts etemas luit. Quando ergo dixit Deus primo illi bomini, quem in paradiso 
ooDStituerat, de cibo vetito, "Qoacanque die ederitis ex eo, morU monemini:" 
nan tantum primss mortis partem priorem, ubi anima privatur Deo ; nee tantum 
posteriorem, ubi corpus privator anima ; nee solum ipsam totam primam, ubi anima 
et a Deo et a corpore separata panitur ; sed quicqmd mortis est usque ad novis- 
nmam, quse secunda dicitur qua est nuna> posterior, comminatio ilia complexa est.' 
— AuouBTXHOB, De Cvritaie Deij lib. xiiL <»p. xii. 

VOL. IV. — NO. VII. H ^ J 

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«8 The Nature of Sm, [April, 

&rth iruit unto death. It k this primary disorganization of the 
individual which baffles all merely numan ethical systems, render- 
ing strict obedience to law a thing impossible, in other words, for- 
bidding man to attempt a justifying righteousness of his own. The 
contemplation of sin does indeed, in its every aspect, deepen tiie 

•conviction that a remedial religion is that which we require. The 
stem demands of holiness prostrate the sinner in the dust, and 
happy is he, if the law assumes its true functions as the tailnyatyfis 
us A/pi(7Tov, that he may find pardon through Him who was made 
sin fDO* us, though he knew no sin. 

Hie disobedience of Adam and Eve afibrds us the illustration 
on which we would most fully depend for exhibiting the nature of 
mn. &iperficially considered it would seem a trivial act; more 
closelv examined it was the unfurling of a standard of rebellion ; 
and m so styling it, the very metaphor we employ peculiarly de- 
scribes its characteristic features, as it is based on an act which, 
without being trivial, is in the highest degree symbolical and sig- 
nificant Adam's disobedience, moreover, was the result of a 
probation in whidi wnf alien beings were concerned ; it is therefore 
to be expected that even this scanty history shall tell us whether 
God's lapsed creatures obeyed or disobeyed. Dr. Gumming, in 

-his chapter headed *The Proto-martyr,' referring to the death of 
Abel, cUscusses with considerable force the early antagonism of 
those principles which have in all ages been the distinguishing 
marks of those who serve God and those who serve him not ' The 
first evidence of Adam's sin after the &11,' he remarks, * was the 
quarrel of two brothers ; its first direct finiit was murder.' This 
painful truth can scarcely fail to strike even the more sceptical of 
those who peruse the brief annals of primeval humanity. Eve is 
not portrayed to us bowing herself over the lifeless form of her son 
Abel, as Kachel wept for her children and would not be comforted ; 

. but it was a bitter page in that book she had so &tally coveted, 
and one to be read so soon — the knowledge of good and evil. 

It would lead us, perhaps, too far astray from our path, which 
we are compelled to straiten in an investigation of so wide a sub- 

. ject as human transgression, were we to particularize sins, or even 
to comment on that * sin unto death ' unbelief, or the rejection of 
a remedy ; but we cannot omit a reference to a valuable sugges- 
tion of l)r. Cumming's, that ^ Cain ignored the Fall.' It is, we 
believe, the first and last struggle of human nature, whether to 
admit or to reject the acknowledgment of the in-working of 
^ death.' It b not denied that God alone has a 'qudckenin^' 
power, and, consequently, that if man be * dead,' he has not m 
nimself the remedy. Let evil assume a less desperate form, and 
human effort shall suffice ; but if that which is ^ared be indeed 



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1853.] oTid iU earliest DevelapmenU. 99 

the real state of the case, man has but one resource. On this 
fundamental controversy depend all the religions in the world. 
But we will see how Dr. Gumming develops this weighty thought 
* Cain looked upon the world, as if the Fall had never been, as if 
ruin had never smitten it, and as if all things were, in his day, precisely 
as they were whoi Adam and Eve walked in Paradise, and responded 
to the voice of their Father, whose footsteps they heard at morning 
and at eventide. We not onljr gather that one offered by faith an 
acceptable sacrifice, and the other through want of &ith, a rejected 
sacrifice, but we gather this £rom the very nature of their ofierings* 
Cain took of the firuits and flowers of the ground, and offered them 
unto Grod. I have no doubt that this was one of Adam's and Eve's 
offerings before they fell ; and Cain continued the same practice, reject- 
ing the iact of a great disruption, treating it as if it had never been ; 
and therefore, when Cain was about to o^ to God, he walked forth at 
the sun-rising, and gathered flowers, not yet so blasted as ours are, 
because sin had not &n made such inroads into creation as it has since 
made. He gathered the most beautiful flowers that still grew beneath 
the cherubim that guarded the gates of Eden from access. He wove 
these flowers into a garland ; he laid that garland upon the altar of 
God, and stood before God, and said, '^ O God, thy smiles gave to these 
flowers their exquisite tints. Thy breath, O God, gave to these roses 
their delicious mgrance. Thy nngers, and thy g^reat wisdom shaped 
every petal, and trimmed it as exquisitely as if thy wisdom had nothing 
else to. And I take these flowers. Great Creator, Great Preserver, 
and I lay them upon thv altar, as an offering expressive of my belief 
in thee as the Creator of all, and of my trust in thee as the Preserver 
of all. Amen.*** The offering was rejected, and the offerer too.' — 

In pursuing our investigation of the nature of sin, there remains 
another aspect which needs illustration — its power of spreading. 
And tins is amply supplied in the history of the antediluvian 
world. We have endeavoured to keep in view the fundamental 
definition that sin is transgression of the law. The case of Adam 
and Eve exhibits the struggle of law and human will in unfallen 
beings ; that of Cain and Abel reveals the same stru^le in those 
who are already under the power of evil, having opposite results in 

^ The author does not stay to poitit oat the modem sentimeDtalisin a^nst which 
this prajer, pUced in Cain's month by a legitimate exercise of fancy, is ironioaUy 
directed ; bat the satire is not the less trenchant. The most dangerons form of 
infidelity, with which we have to combat at the present day, k that which affects 
the language ot natural religion, rears ctvstal-temples in which to offer the fhiils 
of the grooad as saerificee, appropriates the Sabbath as the best day for this Cain- 
worship, engages men of science as Priests and Levites, and for prophets has no 
laek of newspaper editon, lecturers, popular orators, et hoc genus omne— nor even of 
politicians and statesmen. One single Micaiah were worth them all. We wottld. 
gladly, were space at our command, auote at greater length firom this admirable 
Toiumie, in which we find a Tiffour of treatment, an extent of research, and an 
ekMuence of expression, which wiU doubtless enhance the reputaUon, already 
high, of the author. 

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IpO ThA Nature of Ski. [April, 

the two individuals, and in one of tbem leading to the commission 
.of that greatest of crimes, a * brother's murder. In the multiply- 
ing progeny of Adam, the Spirit of God continued to strive, but it 
is very evident that each victory of sin, whilst it strengthened the 
lust, diminished the resistance ; that, in short, the letters in which 
the law was engraven ou the heart gradually became less plain, 
^nd tended to entire effacement The case of those who perished 
in the flood exhibits to us the state into which man passes when 
the struggle against sin is reduced to the feeblest efibrts. * God 
looked upon the earth, and behold it was corrupt* The salt had 
palpably lost its savour. The immediate cause of this degeneracy 
IS explained to us by the marriages of the sons of God and the 
daugliters of men, by which is generally understood the inter- 
mingling of those who adhered to the worship of the true God 
with those who were alienated from it It is a forcible illustration 
of the manner in which the last stronghold of the Truth may be 
inveated and captured. Hence the corruption, hence the judicial 
abandonment to a reprobate mind. ^Deum,' says Augustine, 
*filii Dei neglexerunt, et filias hominum" dilexerunt.' 'Because 
they did not Kke to retain God in their knowledge ' is a similar 
reason assigned to similar results in another age. It is evident 
therefore that the only true moral unity in man is based upon the 
knowledge and love of God. Sin is a centrifugal power, driving 
the prodigal farther and farther from his home ; sin is a scattering 
and violating power, placing men in antagonism to each other, 
and leaving them to the rule of a blinded selfishness. * Corrup- 
tion,' therefore, generates 'violence,' and in the antediluvian 
world, where the tenfold measure of human life gave ampler scope 
for every false principle, the wickedness of man reachea a fearml 
climax. The leaven was seen to leaven the lump. 

The study of sin and its nature is by no means distasteful to the 
great mass of mankind. It is incidental to all history ; it is the 
staple of dramatic literature, and especially of satire ; but with this 
insight into the disease they stop. The true object of the inquiry 
with every serious mind is to find a remedy, and this is to be 
sought not in the speculations of casuists nor in the schemes of 
politidans, but in that Gospel which reveals life and immortality, 
which lifts up a perfect standard of righteousness in the man Christ 
Jesus ; whicu bnnffs men to God tlm)ugh His mediatorial work, 
and thus, by awakening Divine love in the heart through the 
operation of the Spirit, creates harmony where once had been 
hopeless discord. C. D. 



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1853.] The Life and U^ks of St. Paul. . 101 



THE LIFE AND EPISTLES O^ ST. PAUL. 

The Life and JSmstles of St Paul. By the Rev. W. J. Oonybeabe, 
M.A. ; and ttie Rev. J. S. Howson, M.A. 2 vols. 4to. 1850- 
1852. 

We are not sorry to perceive the successive appearance of various 
works on the Epistles of St. Paul within the last two or three years. 
The subject is all but inexhaustible, and different minds will neces- 
sarily look at it in different lights. The advantages of manifold 
views are obvious. We may hope for new light and fresh illustra- 
tions. It is not our intention to descant on the greatness of the 
theme, else we might be tempted to compose an elaborate essai/y 
instead of a rmew properly so called. The character and life of 
such an apostle as raul have been often described in glowing lan- 
guage by sermon writers and essayists, though it may te questioned 
whether they have yet been adequately treated by any one author. 
Indeed no common mind is required to do them full justice. In- 
spiration itself is demanded to pourtray the grand leatures of a 
soul like that which lodged in the feeble body of him to whom 
Christianity owes so much. 

The work before us is constructed on a comprehensive plan. 
There is no other on the same subject exactiy similar or equally 
extensive. 

* The purport of this work,* it is stated, * is to give a living picture 
of St. Paul himself, and of the circumstances by which he was sur- 
rounded. 

' The biography of the Apostle must be compiled from two sources : 
first, his own letters ; and, secondly, the narrative in the Acts of the 
Apostles. The latter, after a slight sketch of his early history, supplies 
US with fuller details of his middle life ; and his Epistles af^rd much 
subsidiary information concerning his missionary labours during the 
same period. The light concentrated upon this portion of* his course 
makes darker, by contrast, the obscurity which rests upon the remainder ; 
for we are left to gain what knowledge we can of his later years from 
scattered hints in a few short letters of his own, and from a single sen* 
tence of his disciple Clement. 

* But in order to present anything like a living picture of St. Paul's 
career, much more is necessary than a mere transcript of the Scriptural 
narrative, even where it is fullest Every step of his course brings us 
into contact with some new phase of ancient life un&miliar to our 
modem experience, and upon which we must throw light from other 
sources, if we wish to form a distinct image in the mind. For example, 
to comprehend the influences under wMch he grew to manhood, we 
must rc^Jise the position of a Jewish &nily in Tarsus, <^ the chief city 



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102 The Life and EputUs cf St. Paul. [April, 

of Cilicia ;** we must understand the kind of education which the son of 
such a family would receive as a boy in his Hebrew home, or in the 
schools of his native city, and in his riper youth " at the feet of Ga- 
maliel " in Jerusalem ; we must be acquainted with the profession for 
which he was to be prepared by this training, and appreciate the station 
and duties of an expounder of the law ; and that we may be fully quali- 
fied to do all this, we should have a clear view of the state of the Reman 
empire at the time, and especially of its system in the provinces. We 
should also understand the political position of the Jews of the ^' dis- 
persion ;" we should be, so to speak, hearers in their synagogues ; we 
should be students of their rabbinical theology ; and in like manner, as 
we follow the Apostle in the different stages of his varied and adven- 
turous career, we must strive continually to bring out, in their true 
brightness, the half-effaced forms and colouring of the scene in which 
he acts ; aiid while he " becomes all things to all men, that he might 
by all means save some," we must form to ourselves a living likeness 
of the things and of the men among which he moved, if we would 
rightly estimate his work. Thus we must study Christianity rising in 
the midst of Judaism ; we must realise the position of its early churcheB 
with their mixed society, to which Jews, proselytes, and heathens had 
each contributed a characteristic element; we must qualify ourselves 
to be umpires, if we may so speak, in their violent internal divisions ; 
we must listen to the strife of their schismatic parties, when one said, 
" I am of Paul, and another, I am of Apollos ;" we must study the 
true character of those early heresies, which even denied the resurrec- 
tion, and advocated impurity and lawlessness, claiming the right ^* to 
sin that g^ce might abound," '* defiling the mind and conscience" of 
their followers, and making them '^ abominable and disobedient, and to 
every good work reprobate ;" we roust trace the extent to which Gre^ 
philosophy, Judaising formalism, and Eastern superstition, blended their 
tainting influence with the pure fermentation of that new leaven which 
was at last to leaven the whole mass of civilized society. Again, to 
understand St. Paul's personal history as a missionary to the heathen, 
we must know the state of the different populations which he visited ; 
the charaeter of Greek and Roman civilization at the epoch ; the points 
of intersection between the political history of the world and the Scrip- 
tural narrative ; the social organization and gradation of ranks, for which 
he enjoins respect ; the position of women, to which he specially refers 
in many of ids letters; the relations between parents and children, 
slaves and masters, which he not vainly sought to imbue with the loving 
spirit of the Gospel ; the quality and influence, under the early empire, 
of the Greek and Roman religions, whose effete corruptness he de- 
nounces with such indignant scorn; the public amusements of the 
people, whence he draws topics of warning or illustration ; the opera- 
tion of the Roman law, under which he was so frequently arraigned ; 
the courts in which he was tried, and the magistrates by whose sentence 
he suffered ; the legionary soldiers who acted as his guards ; the roads 
by which he traveUed, whether through the mountains of Lycaonia or 
the marshes of Latium ; the course of commerce by which his jouniey« 



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1853.] The Life and JBpiMsi qf St. Pmd. 108 

were so often regulated ; and the character of that imperfect nayigatioo 
hj which his life was so many times endangered. 

< While thus trying to live in the life of a bygone age, and to call 
up the figure of the past from its tomb, duly robed in all its former 
laiment, every help is welcome which enables us to fill up the dim out-* 
line in any part of its reality. Especially we delight to look upon the 
only one of the manifold features of that past existence which is still 
livuig. We remember with pleasure that the earth, the sea, and the 
sky, still combine for us in the same landscapes which passed before the 
eyes of the wayfaring Apostle. The plain of Cilicia, the snowy dis- 
tances of Taurus, the cold and'^rapid stream of the Cydnus, the broad 
Orontes, under the shadow of its steep banks, with their thickets of jas- 
mine and oleander ; the hills which '^ stand about Jerusalem," the 
'* arched fountains cold '' in the ravines below, and those '* flowery 
brooks beneath that wash their hallowed feet ;" the capes and islands 
of the Grecian Sea, the craggy summit of Areopagus, the land-locked 
harbour of Syracuse, tlie towering cone of Etna, the voluptuous loveli- 
neasof the Campanian shore: all these remain to us, the imperishable 
handiwork of nature. We can still loc^ upon the same trees and flowers 
which he saw clothing the mountains, giving colour to the plains or 
reflected in the rivers; we may think of Mm among the palms of 
Syria, the cedars of Lebanon, the olives of Attica, the green Isthmian 
pues of Corinth, whose leaves wove those ^' fading garlands " which 
he contrasts with ^'the incorruptible crown,*' the prize for which he 
fought Nay, we can even still look upon some of the works of man 
which filled him with wonder or moved him to indignation. The 
*^ temples made with hands " which rose before him — the very apothe- 
osis of idolatry — on the Acropolis, still stand in almost undiminished 
majesty and beauty. The mole on which he landed at Puteoli still 
stretches its ruins into the blue waters of the bay. The remains of 
the Baian villas, whose marble porticoes he then beheld glittering in 
the sunset, his first specimen of Italian luxury, still are seen along the 
shore. We may still enter Rome as he did by the same Appian road, 
through the same Capenian gate, and wander among the ruins of 
*^ Caenur's palace ** on the Palatine, while our eye rests upon the same 
aqueducts radiating over the Campagna to the unchang^ing hills. Those 
who have visited these spots must often have felt a thnll of recollection 
as they trod in the footsteps of the Apostle : they must have been con- 
scious how much the identity of the outward scene brought them into 
communion with him, while they tried to image to themselves the 
feelings with which he must have looked upon the objects before them. 
They who have experienced this will feel how imperfect a biography 
of SL Paul must be without faithful representations of the places which 
he visited. It is hoped that the views which are contained in the pre- 
sent yrotky and which have been drawn for this special object, will 
supply tbb desideratum ; and it is evident that, for the purposes of such 
a biography, nothing but true and faithful representations of the real 
scenes will be valuable : these are what is wanted, and bot ideal repre- 
sentations, even though copied from the works of the greatest masters ; 



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104 The Life and JEpisOes of St. PauL [April, 

for, as it has been well said, ^ nature and reality painted at the time, 
and on the spot, a nobler cartoon of St. PauFs preaching at Athens 
than the immortal Bafiaelle afterwards has done." 

^ For a similar reason maps have been added, exhibiting, with as 
much accuracy as can at present be attained, the physical features of 
the countries visited, and some of the ancient routes through them ; 
together with plans of the most important cities, and maritime charts 
of the coasts inhere they were required. 

* While thus endeavouring to represent faithfully the natural objects 
and architectural remains connected with the narrative, it has likewise 
been attempted to give such illustrations as were needful of the ndnor 
productions of human art as they exbted in the first century. For this 
purpose engravings of coins have been given in all cases where they 
seemed to throw light on the circumstances mentioned in the history ; 
and recourse has been had to the stores of Pompeii and Herculaneum, 
as well as to the collection of the Vatican and the columns of Trajan 
and Antoninus. 

^ But after all this is done — ^after we have endeavoured, with every 
help we can command, to reproduce the picture of St PauPs deeds 
and times — ^how small would our knowledge of himself remain, if we had 
no other record of him left us but the story of his adventures. If his 
letters had never come down to us, we should have known indeed what 
he did and suffered, but we should have had v^ little idea of what he 
was. Even if we could perfectly succeed in restoring the image of the 
scenes and circumstances in which he moved — even if we could, as in a 
magic mirror, behold him speaking in the school of Tyrannus, with his 
Ephesian hearers in their national costume aroimd him — we should 
still see very little of Paul of Tarsus. We must listen to his words, if 
we would learn to know him. If &ncy did her utmost, she could g^re 
us only his outward not his inward life. '^ Hb bodily presence,^ so 
his enemies declared, was '^ weak and contemptible ;" but ^' his letters/' 
even they allowed, '^ were weighty and powerful." Moreover, an effort 
of imagination and memory is needed to recall the past, but in his 
Epistles St Paul is present with us. ^^ His words are not dead words ; 
tl^y are living creatures with hands and feet," touching, in a thousand 
hearts at this very hour, the same chord of feeling which vibra|^ to 
their first utterance. We, the Christians of the nineteenth century, can 
bear witness now, as fully as could a Byzantine audience fourteen hun- 
dred years ago, to the saying of Chrysostom, that " Paul by his letters 
still lives in the mouths of men throughout the whole worid ; by them, 
not only his own converts, but all the fedthful even unto this day, yea 
and all the saints who are yet to be bom, until Christ's coming again, 
both have been and shall be blessed.*' His Epistles are to his inward 
lifo what the mountains and rivers of Asia and Greece and Italy are 
to his outward life—the imperishable part which still remains to us, 
when all that time can ruin has passed away.' — Introduction^ vol. L 
pp. iii.-ix. 

In conformity with this purpose a minute narrative of the 
Apostle's life is presented, extracted from his letters and the Acts 



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1853.] The Life and Epietles of St. Paul 105 

of the ApoBtles. All his journeys are traced ; the geography and 
history of the places he visited or touched at copiously exnibited ; 
the seas he sailed, the roads he travelled, the scenery he moved 
amon^, Ihe customs and usages alluded to in his epistles or life 
described ; and besides, a paraphrastic translation of all that he 
Raid or wrote, which has come down to us, is carefully set forth. 
The range of subjects embraced is wide and far-reaching. A wealth 
of illustrative matter, from almost every available source, is poured 
forth, so that it becomes difficult to give the reader who has not 
examined the work for himself, a true idea of its contents. No 
greater affluence of knowledge than is applied here to produce a 
vivid portraiture of the Apostle in all his works of faith and labours 
of love has ever been brought together. We shall first endeavour 
to make our readers acquainted with the leading modes of illus- 
tration employed by the writers, and afterwards discuss their cha- 
racter and value. 

Here is the description of Galatia : — 

* We come now to a political division of Asia Minor, which demands 
a more careful attention. Its sacred interest is greater than that of all 
the others, and its history is more peculiar. The Christians of Ga- 
latia were they who received the Apostle ^' as if he had been an angel," 
who, " if it had been possible, would have plucked out their eyes and 
given them to him," and then were " so soon removed " by new teachers 
^' from him that csdled them to another gospel ;" who began to ^* run 
well," and then were hindered ; who were " bewitched " by that zeal 
which compassed sea and land to make one proselyte, and were as ready, 
in the fervour of their party spirit, to "bite and devour one another" 
as they were willing to change their teachers and their gospels. It is 
no mere ^cy which discovers in these expressions of St. Paul's Epistle 
indicati(ms of the character of that remarkable race of mankind, which 
all writers, from Csesar to Thierry, have described as susceptible of 
quick impressions and sudden changes, with a fickleness equal to their 
Ofmrage and enthusiasm, and a constant liability to that disunion which 
IS the fruit of excessive vanity — that race, which has not only pro- 
duced one of the greatest nations of modem times, but which, long 
before the Christian era, wandering forth from their early European 
seats, burnt Rome and pillaged Delphi, founded an empire in Northern 
Italy more than co-extensive with Austrian Lombardy, and another in 
Asia Minor equal in importance to one of the largest pachalicks. 

* For the " Galatia" of the New Testament was really the " Gaul" 
of the East. The " Epistle to the Galatians " would more literally and 
more correctly be called the " Epistle to the Gauls." When Livy, in 
his account of the Roman campaigns in Galatia, speaks of its inhabitants, 
he always calls them '^ Gauls." When the Greek historians speak of 
the inhabitants of ancient France, the word they use is ^< Galatians." 
The two terms are merely the Greek and Latin forms of the same '* bar* 
barian " appellation. 

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106 The Life and JEpktles of St. Paul [April, 

^That emigration of the Gauls, which ended in the settlement in 
Asia Minor, is less famous than those which led to the disasters in Italj 
and Greece; but it b, in fact, identical with the latter of these two 
emigrations, and its results were more permanent The warriors who 
roamed over the Cevennes, or by the banks of the Garonne, reappear 
on the Halys and at the base of Mount Dindymus. They exchange the 
superstitions of Druidism for the ceremonies of the worship of Cybele. 
The very name of the chief Galatian tribe is one with which we are 
familiar in the earliest history of France ; and Jerome says that, in his 
own day, the language spoken at Ancyra was almost identical with that 
of Treves. The Galatians were a stream from that torrent of bar- 
barians which poured into Greece in the third century before our era, 
and which recoiled in confusion from the difls of DelphL Some tribes 
had previously separated from the main army, and penetrated into 
Thrace ; here they were joined by certain of the fugitives, and together 
they appeared on the coasts, which are separated by a narrow arm of 
the sea from the rich plains and valleys of Bithynia. The wars with 
which that kingdom was harassed made their presence acceptable. 
Nicomedes was the Vortigem of Asia Minor ; and the two Gaulish 
chieftains, Leonor and Lutar, may be fitly compared to the two legend- 
ary heroes of the Anglo-Saxon invasion. Some difficulties occurred in 
the passage of the Bosphorus, which curiously contrast with the easy 
voyages of our piratic ancestors. But, once established in Asia Minor, 
the Gauls lost no time in spreading over the whole peninsula with their 
arms and devastation. In their first crossing over we have compared 
them to the Saxons. In their first occupation they may be more fitly 
compared to the Danes ; for they were a moveable army rather than a 
nation, encamping, marching, and plundering at will. They stationed 
themselves on the site of ancient Troy, and drove their chariots in the 
plain of the Cayster. They divided nearly the whole peninsula among 
their three trib^. They levied tribute on cities, and even on kings. 
The wars of the East found them various occupations. They hired 
themselves out as mercenary soldiers. They were the royal guards of 
the Kings of Syria, and the Mamelukes of the Ptolemies in Egypt. 

'The surrounding monarchs gradually curtailed thdr power, and 
repressed them within narrower limits. First Antiochus Soter drove 
the Tectosages, and then Eumenes drove the Trocmi and Tolistoboii 
into the central district which afterwards became Galatia. Their ter- 
ritory was definitely marked out and surrounded by the other states of 
Asia Minor, and they retained a geographical position similar to that of 
Hungary in the midst of its Sclavonic neighbours. By deg^rees they 
coalesced into a number of small confederate states, and ultimately into 
one united kingdom. Successive circumstances brought them into con- 
tact with the Homans in various ways : first, by a religious embassy 
sent from Rome to obtain peaceful possession of the sacred image of 
Cybele ; secondly, by the campaign of Manlius, who reduced th^ 
power and left them a nominal independence ; and then through the 
period of hazardous alliance with the rival combatants in the civil wars. 
The first Deiotarus was made king by Pompey, fled befoie Cassar at the 



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185a] The Life and BpMes of St. Paul: 107 

battle of Pharaalia, and was defended before the conqueror by Cicero, 
in a speech which still remains to us. The second Deiotarus, like his 
fiither, was Cicero's friend, and took charge of his son and nephew 
during the Cilician campaign. Amyntas, who succeeded him, owed his 
power to Antony, but prudently went over to Augustus in the battle 
of Aotiura. At the death of Amyntas, Aug^tus made some modiii- 
catioDs in the extent of Galatia, and placed it under a governor. It 
was now a province, reaching from the borders of Asia and Bithynia 
to the neighbourhood of Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, ^^ cities of Lya- 
oonia." 

* Henceforward, like the Western Gaul, this territory was a part of 
the Roman empire, though retaining the traces of its history in the cha- 
racter and language of its principal inhabitants. There was this dif- 
ference, however, between the Eastern and the Western Graul, that the 
latter was more rapidly and more completely assimilated to Italy. It 
passed from its barbarian to its Roman state, without being subjected to 
any intermediate civilization. The Gauls of the East, on the other hand, 
bad long been familiar with the Greek language and the Greek culture. 
St. PauTs Epistle was written in Greek. The contemporary inscriptions 
of the province are usually in the same language. The Galatians 
themselves are frequently called Gallo-Grsecians ; and many of the 
inhalMtants of the province must have been of piue Grecian orig^. 
Another section of the population, the early Phrygians, were probably 
numerous, but in a lower and more degraded position. The presence 
of great numbers of Jews in the province implies that it was in some 
respects favouraUe for traffic ; and it is evident that the district must 
have been constantly intersected by the course of caravans from Ar- 
menia, the Hellespont, and the South. The Roman itineraries inform 
us of the lines of communication between the gretX towns near the ' 
Halys and the other parts of Asia Minor. These circumstances are 
closely connected with the spread of the Gospel, and we shall return to 
them again when we describe St. Paul's first reception in Galatia.' — 
▼oL i. pp. 261-266. 

The following description of the mode of teaching amon^ the 
Jews, and the places wnere instruction was communicated, is intro- 
duced after a notice of Gamaliel : — 

* Until the formation of the later Rabbinical colleges, which flou- 
rished after the Jews were driven from Jerusalem, the instruction in 
the divinity schools seems to have been chiefly oral. There was a 
prejudice against the use of any book except the Sacred Writings. 
The system was one of Scriptural exegesis. Josephus remarks, at the 
close of his Antiquities, that the one thing most prized by his country- 
men was power in the exposition of Scripture. " They give to that 
man," he says, "the testimony of being a wise man, who is fully 
acquainted with our laws, and is able to interpret their meaning." So 
ftr as we are able to learn from our sources of information, the method 
of instruction was something of this kind. At the meetings of learned 
men, some passage of the Old Testament was taken as a text, or some 



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108 27ie Life and JSpistks of St. Paul. [April, 

topic for discussion propounded in Hebrew, translated into the ver- 
nacular tongue by means of a Chaldee paraphrase, and made the subject 
of commentary ; various interpretations were given, aphorisms were 
propounded, allegories suggested, and the opinions of ancient doctors 
quoted and discussed. At these discussions the younger students were 
present, to listen or to inquire, or, in the sacred words of St Luke, 
^' both hearing them and asking them questions ;*' for it was a peculiarity 
of the Jewish schools, tiiat the pupil was encouraged to cateciiise the 
teacher. Contradictory opinions were expressed with the utmost firee- 
dom. This is evident from a cursory examination of the Talmud, which 
gives us the best notions of the scholastic disputes of the Jews. This 
remarkable body of Rabbinical jurisprudence has been compared to the 
Roman body of civil law ; but in one respect it might suggest a better 
c<Mnparison with our own English common law, in that it is a vast accu- 
mulation of various and oflen inconsistent precedents ; the arg^uments 
and opinions which it contains show very plainly that the Jewish doctors 
must oflen have been occupied with the most frivolous questions — that 
^' the mint, anise, and cummin " were eagerly discussed, while " the 
weightier matters of the law " were neglected ; but we should not be 
justified in passing a hasty judgment on ancient volimies, which are full 
of acknowledged difficulties. What we read of the system of the 
Cabbala has oflen the appearance of an unintelligible jargon ; but in all 
ages it has been true that '^ the words of the wise are as goads, and as 
nails fastened by the masters of assemblies." If we could look back 
upon the assemblies of the Rabbis of Jerusalem, with Gamaliel in the 
midst, and Saul among the younger speakers, it is possible that the 
scene would be as strange and as different from a place of modem educa- 
tion as the schools now seen by travellers in the East differ from contem- 
porary schools in England. But the same might be said of the walks 
of Plato in the Academy, or the lectures of Aristotle in the Lyceum. 
It is certain that these free and public discussions of the Jews tended 
to create a high degree of general intelligence among the people ; that 
the students were trained there in a system of excellent dialectics ; that 
they learnt to express themselves in a rapid and sententious style, oflen 
with much poetical feeling ; and acquired an admirable acquaintance 
with the words of the ancient Scriptures. 

* These " Assemblies of the Wise " were possibly a continuation of 
the " Schools of the Prophets," which are mentioned in the historical 
books of the Old Testament. Wherever the earlier meetings were held, 
whether at the gate of the city or in some more secluded place, we 
read of no buildings for purposes of worship or instruction before the 
Captivity. During that melancholy period, when they mourned over 
their separation from the temple, the necessity of assemblies must have 
been deeply felt, for united prayer and mutual exhortation, for the 
singing of the " songs of Zion," and for remembering the " Word of the 
Lord." When they returned, the public reading of the law became a 
practice of universal interest, and from this period we must date the 
erection of synagogfies in the different towns of Palestine. So that 
St. James could say, in the council at Jerusalem, ^^ Moses of old time 



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1853.] The Life and Epiailea of St. Paul. 109 

hath in every city them that preach him, being read in the Syns^ogues 
every Sabbath day." To this later period the 74th Psalm may be 
referred, which laments over the burning of " all the synagogues of God 
in the land." These buildings are not mentioned by Josephus in any 
of the earlier passages of his history ; but in the time of the Apostles 
we have the fullest evidence that they existed in all the small towns in 
Judaea, and in all the principal cities where the Jews Were dispersed 
abroad. It seems that the synagogues often consisted of two apart- 
ments, one for prayer, preaching, and the offices of public worship ; the 
other for the meetings of learned men, for discussions concerning ques- 
tions of religion and discipline, and for purposes of education. 'Ihus 
the tynagogues and the schools cannot be considered as two separate 
subjects. No doubt a distinction must be drawn between the smaller 
schools of the country villages and the great divinity schools of Jeru- 
alem. The synagogue which was built by the centurion at Capernaum 
was no doubt a faur less important place than those synagogues in the 
Holy City, where ^^ the Libertines, and Cyrenians, and Alexandrians, 
with those of Asia and Cilicia," rose up as one man, and disputed 
against St. Stephen. We have here five groups of foreign Jews — two 
fitmi Africa, two from Western Asia, and one from Europe ; and there 
is no doubt that the Israelites of Syria, Babylonia, and the East were 
similarly represented. The Rabbinical writers say that there were 480 
synagogues in Jerusalem ; and though this must be an exaggeration, 
yet no doubt all shades of Hellenistic and Aramaic opinions found a 
home in the conunon metropolis. It is easy to see that an eager and 
enthusiastic student could have had no lack of excitements to stimulate 
his religious and intellectual activity if he spent the years of his youth 
in that city, « at the feet of Gamaliel." '—vol. i. pp. 63-66. 

The following is a specimen of the translation :— - 

THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 

Pauly an Apostle of Jesus Christ by the will of God^ and Timo^ 1 s«iutaUoD. 
theus the brother^ to the holy and faithful brethren in Christ 2 
who are at Colossae, 

Grace be to you, and peace from God our Father. 

I give continual thanks to Grod the Father of our Lord Jesus 3 Thanks- 
Christ ; in my prayers for you (since I heard of your faith in 4 Sl£^c«mwr. 
Christ Jesus, and your love to all His people) ; because of the 5 ■^• 
hope laid up for you in the heavens, whereof you heard the 
promise in the truthful word of the fflad tidings ; which is come 6 
to you, as it is through all the world, where it bears fruit and 
gro¥^ as it does also among you, since the day when first you 
heard it, and learned to know truly the grace of God. And thus 7 
you were taught by Epaphras my beloved fellow-bondsman, who is 
a &ithftil servant of Christ on your behalf. And it is he who 8 
has declared to me your love for me in the fellowship of the 
Spirit. 

Wherefore I also^ since the day when fini I beard it, cease not J9 

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110 



The Life and Ilpistles of St. Foul 



[April, 



Prayers for 
their perfec- 
tion. 



Atonement 
and sove- 
reignty of 
Christ 



ITie Colos- 
slans bad 
been called 
fh>m hea- 
thenism, and 
recoodled to 
OodbyCaurist. 



St Paul's 

comralseion 

to reveal the 

Christian 

mystery of 

univerad 

salvation. 



to pray for you, and to aak of God that you may fully attain 
to the knowlege of His will ; that in all wisdom and spiritual 

10 understanding you may walk worthy of the Lord, to please Him 
in all things ; that you may bear firuit in all good works, and 

1 1 grow continually in the knowledge of God ; that you may be 
strengthened to the uttermost in the strength of His glorious 
power, to bear all sufferings with steadfast endurance and with 

12 joy, giving thanks to the Father who has enabled us to share the 
portion of His people in the light 

13 For He has delivered us ^m the dominion of darkness, and 

14 transplanted us into the kingdom of his beloved Son: in whom 

15 we have our redemption, the forgiveness of our nns. Who is a 
visible image of the invisible God, the first bom of all creation ; 

16 for in Him were aU things created, both in the heavens and on the 
earth, both visible and invisible, whether they be thrones, or 
dominations, or principalities, or powers ; by Him and for Him 

17 were all created. And He is he£iae all things, and in Him aU 

18 things subsist. And He is the head of the body, the church ; 
whereof He is the beginning, as first-bom from the dead ; that in 
all things His place might be the first. 

19 For He willed that in Himself all the fulness of the universe 

20 should dwell ; and by Himself He willed to reconcile all things to 
Himself, having made peace by the blood of his cross ; by Himself 
(I say) to reconcile all that exists, whether on the earth, or in the 
heavens. 

21 And you, likewise, who once were estranged from Him, and 
with your mind at war with Him, when you lived in wickedness, 

22 yet now He has reconciled in the body of his fiesh through death, 
that He might bring you to His presence in holiness, without 

23 blemish and without reproach; if, indeed, you be steadfast in 
your faith, with your foundation firmly grounded, and immovably 
fixed, and not suffering yourselves to h« shifted away from the 
hope of the glad tidings which first you heard, which has been 
published throughout all the earth, whereof I, Paul, have been 
made a ministering servant 

24 And even now I rejoice in the afflictions which I bear for your 
sake, and I fill up what yet is lacking of the sufferings of Christ 

25 in my fiesh, on behalf of His body, which is the church ; whereof 
I was made a servant, to minister in the stewardship which God 
gave me for you [Gentiles], that I might fulfil it by declaring 

26 the word of God ; the mystery which has been hid for countless 
ages and generations, but has now been shown openly to His 

27 people ; to whom God willed to manifest how rich, among the 
Gentiles, is the glory of this mystery, which is Christ in t/aUf the 
hope of Glory, 

28 Him, therefore, I proclaim, warning every man, and teaching 
every man, in all wisdom ; that I may bring every man into 

29 His presence full grown in Christ. And to this end I labour in 
earnest conflict, according to His inward working which woiks in 
me with mighty power. VoL ii., pp. 894-398, 

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1863.] The Life and I^istles of St. Paul 111 

We had intended to have presented the reader with the descrip- 
tion of Ephesus (vol. ii. p. 66, et 8eq,\ with that of a Roman Coloma 
introduced in connection witii Philippi (vol. i. p. 312, et seq.), and 
witii the account of Poul's route from Puteoli to Rome (vol. ii. p. 
365, et 8eq.)y but must reluctantly omit them, content with the 
extracts given. Let it be observed, also, that the notes and re- 
ferences, which are both numerous and valuable, have been left 
out of the extracted specimens, the text only being furnished. In 
justice to the writers this should be remembered and allowed due 
w€dgfat in jud^ng of the performance as a whole. 

These extracts are lonff, but they are necessary to present a fair 
and full picture of what tne book mainly contains. Copious how- 
ever as they are, they do not show all that the work pves in the 
way of illustrating tlie life of the Apostle ; but they must suffice. 

llie first thing fliat strikes the reader of these costly and beautiful 
volumes is the extent of information brought to bear upon the sub- 
ject. The writers are unquestionaUy accomplished men — scholars 
of no limited or mean attainments. Their reading has been large 
and varied. ITiey had traversed an immense field of inquiry before 
commencing the task ; not entering upon it rashly or hastily, 
furnished with a scanty apparatus, and ignorant of their way, but 
with rich stores of learning, dasrical and sacred, which might 
be fitly applied to the elucidation of their theme ; and they have 
completed their design in a scholar-like way. The book is, on 
the whole, a valuable one. It deserves the careful perusal of 
all who wish to become better acquainted with the great Apostle 
of the Gentiles. Whoever neglects it will certain^ lose many 
points of intelligence, unless behave made the topics embraced in 
it the study of years. As an important contribution to the eluci- 
dation of raid's Epistles, we accept the work with gratitude from 
the hands of the learned writers, believing that they have laboured 
successfully. There is no doubt that it wUl take a prominent place 
among the various books which have been written within the last 
thirty years, either on the entire New Testament or the Pauline 
Epistles. We are inclined to assign it a very high rank in some 
respects, for the authors are generally acquamted with the litera- 
ture of their subject and the latest available books both in English 
and German, as well as other languages. It exhibits the 
researches of learning, the fruits of antiquarian lore, the con- 
clusions of well-disciplined minds in regard to such an one as 
Paul, amid diversified scenes and in various moods, surrounded 
by companions or solitary, exposed to dangers frx)m without and 
tram within, incessant in activity by day and by night. We might 
easily distinguish the portions written by the two authcnrs respec- 
ttvely, and ^w the great superiority oi the one to the other, but 



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112 The Life and Epistles of St. Paul [April, 

this were an invidious task ; and therefore we prefer to speak of 
the work as a whole, the joint composition of both. Our deliberate 
opinion, formed after a careful perusal of every part, is, that it is 
most creditable to the ability and piety of the respected men whose 
names appear on the title-page. In these days of trashy publica- 
tions it is refreshing to meet with a really good book — one whidi 
will amply repay perusal, and bear to be consulted again and again, 
for instruction in the highest as well as most interesting depart- 
ments of knowledge. 

The style is graphic and vivid. In this respect we admire the 
work most There is much lofty eloquence in the narrative, which 
leads the reader along enchained in pleasing captivity. It has 
been the study of the authors to make a picture, as far as they 
could, by means of the description given ; and they have been suo 
cessfid. We may refer to the first chapter as a good example of 
the style. It is probably the best-written piece in the whole, com- 
bining vigorous thought and excellent writing in beautiful harmony. 
G)mpared with the essay in the Edinburgn Review for January, 
1853, where it is reproduced in a diluted state, it is immeasurably 
superior. 

But while the work has many excellencies, it is not free from 
defects. While the writers have been generally successful, they 
have not been always so. While they show a great acquaintance 
with sources and books of information, they have lacked the know- 
ledge of several works by which they mignt have been benefited, 
such as Osiander on the Krst Epistle to the Corinthians, Hiilippi's 
Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, Matthies on the Jras- 
toral Epistles, Koehler on the Chronology of the Epistles, Riickert's 
Magazm (of which only one Band, one Lieferung, appeared), and 
Reuss's Geschichte. 

We do not share in the opinion of the authors that Paul's career 
and character are illustrated by many things here introduced. 
Numerous geographical and historical descriptions are of little if 
any use for that purpose. The narrative proper of the Apostle's 
life is too much interrupted by what has the appearance of digres- 
sions and episodes. The reader's attention is distracted ; his riew 
is diverted by a multitude of accessory circumstances. The authors 
seem to have over-estimated the value of materials inserted in Uie 
book. Indeed the plan is needlessly extensive. It might have 
been abridged with profit. In pursuance of their design, and in 
order to exhibit good historical painting as they go along, the 
authors insert a number of useless and unnecessary particulars. 
They weave a web out of little or no materials ; tedious conjectures 
go to make pieces of fine writing ; the most is made out of little. 
In such paragraphs the question cm bono meets with no good re- 



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1853.] The Life and Epistles of St, Paul 113 

sponse, for the work is swelled out, when even in other respects it 
lacks condensation. As an example of this, we refer to the second 
clmpter, especially pages 45, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53, &c. &c. till 58 
and 59, Take the description of Antioch, 132-136 (vol. i.), and 
surely it is unnecessary for the illustration of anything properly 
beloi^ng to the Apostle. It is true that he was there, and that 
it was the scene of important movements, as well as the birthplace 
of the name Christian ; but the situation and appearance of the 
place contribute nothing to our better acquaintance with Paul him- 
self. We need no other example to show what we mean by saying 
that the writers have proceeded on an exaggerated estimate of the 
value of their plan, in like manner, surveys of coasts and accurate 
charts, to which the writers attach importance, and which they often 
give in their volumes, are of no use there. Norie, Purdy, Beaufort, 
Graves, &c. are brought within the scope of the writers' design ; 
but add nothing to what we really want in a full description of the 
life and labours of the Gentile Apostle. 

As to the lists of plates in the volumes, some of them are useful, 
others not so. About one-half of them might be dispensed with, 
without the least detriment. We do not want views of the modem 
Damascus, Philippi, Athens, Jerusalem, &c. : they are absolutely 
worthless. But maps illustrating Paul's routes and voyages, maps 
of countries as they were at the time of Christ, &c. are appropriate. 
Of the latter there are a goodly number, and it was unnecessary to 
swell out the work with the former. Among the numerous en- 
gravings on wood, we should retain most of (not all) the coins, dis- 
carding the rest In the event of another edition, this illustrative 
department, overcrowded as it is with maps, views, plates, numis- 
matic and archaeological illustrations, should be unsparingly cut 
down, as adding to me expense of the work with no corresponding 
benefit 

There are also specimens of preaching in the volumes which 
might have been dispensed with. Doubtless they are often elo- 
quent and effective, but they only add to the diffuseness of the 
narrative. Examples may be found in 503-505, the best in the 
work, and very eloquent withal ; in 448, 449, and 489, 490 
(vol. ii.). In the notes there are useless things, besides 
quotations from modem travellers and modem writers about the 
m-esent appearance of places. Such are those respecting the lato 
Drs. Burton and Arnold, as to what they might and would have 
done had they been longer spared. Such are those about what 
captains of vessels told the writer, and Neander's handwriting. 
Looking at these in two quarto volumes, we feel how inappropriate 
they are. 

A more serious fault is the occasional dogmatism or the cool 

VOL. IV. — NO. VII. I 

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114 The Life and Epi%tU$ of St. Paul. [Apnl, 

and confident tone assumed. We are sorry for this, as the scholar- 
ship of the authors could have afibrded to dispense with it in every 
case. Thus we find it stated : — 

* This third letter was that which is now entitled the Epistle to the 
Ephesians, concerning tlie destination of which (disputed as it is) the 
least disputable fact is, that it was not addressed to the Church of 
Ephesus. — vol. ii. p. 405. 

' The authorised version is unquestionably correct in translating ha- 
6(iKri testament in this passage. The attempts which have heen made to 
avoid this meaning are irreconcilable with any natural explanation of 
^laOifuyoc,* &c. — vol. ii. p. 533. 

' *ky ahrf scilicet Xpitrr^ ; the subject is 6 9foc.' — vol. ii. p. 400. 

* It was universally believed by tlie ancient Church that St Paul's 
appeal to Caesar terminated successfully ; that he was acquitted of the 
charges laid against him ; and that he spent some years in freedom 
before he was again imprisoned and condemned. The evidence on this 
subject, though not copious, is yet conclusive as far as it goes, and it is 
all one way^ — vol. ii. p. 451. 

' Unless we are prepared to dispute the genuineness of the pastoral 
epistles, we must admit not only that St. Paul was liberated from his 
Roman imprisonment, but also that he continued his apostolic labours 
for at least some years afterwards.' — vol. ii. p. 454. 

' It is now admitted by nearly all those who are competent to decide 
on such a question,' &c. — vol. ii. p. 454. 

In none of these instances is such language justified, for in some 
the case is doubtful ; in others, the reverse of the authors' con- 
clusions is more accordant with truth. 

The most vulnerable part of the work is that which counts of the 
critical notes relating to the text The textual criticism of the writers 
is far from immaculate. In fact it is the worst executed part of the 
whole performance. Surely it would have been better to have 
omitted the critical notes altogether, which indeed are often unne- 
cessarily introduced, rather tnan have fallen into so many errors 
and said so many questionable things. Thus the best ]Vl!SS. are 
opposed, as at Acts xv. 24, where it is remarked notwithstanding, 
^ although the best MSS. omit the words frx)m Xeyovrsf to voixov, yet 
we cannot but agree with Be Wette that they cannot poetibly be an 
interpolation.' So the best MSS. are ignored because they cannot 
have the true reading. This is strange doctrine in the department 
of textual criticism. So too in Ephes. i. 18, the common reading 
liavoioLs is followed, instead of xa^^ias^ which is that of all the undiu 
MSS., though the note says that ' the majority of MSS. read Kaq^ias.^ 
In like manner, at Phil. iii. 3, Osaiis retained instead of Ocot), though 
there is no question of the latter being the true reading, while it is 
admitted in a note that fiew is supported by a minority of MSS. 
The reason asfflgned for this extraordinary conclusion is the analogy 



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1853.] The Ufe and EpistUt of St. Foul 115 

of Bom. i. 9. At 1 Tim. iii. 16, all that is said is, ' we retain 
the received text here, considering the divided testimony of the 
MSS.' ^ the judgment of Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 
Davidson, and others, goes for nothing. But this is not all : in- 
correct statements are made respecting the text and textual critics. 
At Bom. viii. 11, it is alleged that Tischendorf prefers S<a ri to 
Sia rot), on the principle that it is the most difficult reading ; but 
this is not so, for he reads S*^ rot). At Acts xxiii. 6, it is asserted 
that Lachmann and Teschendorf read ex^a^sy. This is not true of 
Lachmann, for he reads sx^a^Ev. At Ephes. v. 21, it is said that 
v^oTdaosijOs is omitted by the best MoS. ; but this is virtually in- 
correct, for vnoTocffMcuaotv is found in several of the best copies, 
and is edited by Lachmann. At Ephes. v. 30, the writer is mis- 
taken in saving that the words ^ and of his bones ' are an interpo* 
lation not found in the best MSS., while he retains the preceding 
clause * of his flesh.' Both clauses are an interpolation, and not 
merely the last one. In Titus ii. 11, it is incorrect to say that the 
ri before (TA/rtJ^iof is omitted by the best MSS. At Heb. v. 12, it 
is affirmed that Lachmann reads riya ; but this is not so, for he 
has riva. 

After such specimens of critical inability, we need not be sur- 
prised to find attempts at conjectural criticism in the New Testa* 
menttext. The second xal vaktv^ in Heb. ii. 13, is left out in the 
new version, because * it may well be suspected that it has been 
introduced into the MSS. by an error of transcription from the 
line above.* Again, at Heb. xi. 37, the received text is retained, 
but under protest : ' there can scarcely be a davit that the reading 
should be either IwqoLa^'ntsay or sw^afQfi^av.* To these conjectures 
it is sufficient to say that no editor has regarded them in the 
absence of all evidence; and it does not enhance the reader's 
opinion of our authors' learning to see them alluded to, the latter 
with most unwarrantable confidence. Far better would it have 
been to have avoided such remarks, and inserted really useful and 
correct ones, such as at 2 Tim. iv. 14, where the future^ not the 
cjAative^ is the true reading— a fact unnoticed by our authors, who 
retain the erroneous rendering, ' the Lord reward him according 
to his works.' 

The examples now riven, to which not a few others might be 
added, will suffice to iSiow how little confidence can be pl^d in 
the critical judgment of the auth(nrs, and how incorrect their 
statements often are. Doubtless this is the worst portion of the 
whole work. 

In regard to the translation, we should always remember that it 
is between the literal and the paraphrastic. In a majority of cases 
it gives the sense much better than our English version, having the 

I 2 

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116 The Life and Upistles of St. Paul [April, 

advantage of it in point of freeness* In various passages of great 
difficulty, it suggests the right meaning, and shows skill in ren- 
dering the Greek. Much attention has been ^ven to the small 
words, which are often of importance in showing the connection, 
though overlooked by ordinary translators. But tnough great pains 
have been taken in rendering the Epistles, especially those to the 
Romans and Corinthians, we cannot aver that the writers have been 
uniformly successful. There are not a few instances of translation 
which we should pronounce bad, or of very doubtful authority. In 
the Epistle to the Romans itself, evidently the most laboured of all, 
the authors have missed the sense in a variety of instances. This 
has arisen not so much from the want of Greek learning, for an 
acquaintance with the Greek language is apparent throughout, as 
fix)m a defective theological perception. We doubt the soundness 
and scripturality of the authors' theology on various important 
subjects. Their stand-point is not the best. It is erident that 
they are not masters of systems of theology, but perhaps that is of 
little consequence. Systems of theology have contributed some- 
what to retard the true advancement of tne science. It is of more 
moment to be scriptural than metaphysically systematic in creed. 

In the First Epistle to the Thessalonians (v. 14), the translator 
begins what he calls * the postscript addressed to the presbyters,' 
understanding the paragraph to refer to the duties of the pres- 
byters ; and in a note there is an attempt at justifying this strange 
division. This note we give as a specimen of most illogical rea- 
soning : — 

* It appears evident that those who are here directed vovOertire are the 
same who are described immediately before (ver. 12) as vovderovyrac. 
Also they are very solemnly directed (ver. 27) to see that the letter be 
read to all the Christians in Thessalonica, which implies that they pre- 
sided over the Christian assemblies.' — vol. i. p. 426. 

All this is arbitrary and unfounded. The 14th verse be^ns with 
TraqaxaKovf^By Ss ufxas^ aJgXf oi, just as the 12th verse begins with 
*E§a/Tft//x6v Sg vfjLaty aSeX^oi. The aSfX^oi in the two verses are 
the same persons ; and yet, in the face of this plain intimation in 
the context, the translator makes the first aSsX^l mean the brethren 
generally, the latter the presbyters. Besides, it is well known that 
the duty of exhortation was not confined to the presbyters in the 
apostolic churches. All the believers freely exhorted. 

In 2 Thess. iii. 5, there is an instance of erroneous rendering : — 
* And may our Lord guide your hearts to the love of God, and to 
the patient endurance which was in Christ,^ Our received version 
is wrong here, but this is equally so. De Wette ^ves the true 
sense. 

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1853.] ne Life and I!pistles of St. Fend. 117 

In Coloss. i. 18, occurs another incorrect rendering : — * And he 
is the head of the body, the Church ; whereof he is the beginning,* ' 
&c. It is evident that the writer has not seen the wide reference 
of d^x^ i^ tlus place. 

It is remarkable that the common translation of Phil. ii. 6, is 
retained — * thought it not robbery to be equal with God ' — though 
the note says that it is liable to the charge of making the connec- 
tion less natural. In truth it is quite opposed to the connection, 
and should be discarded. 

We are also surprised that the very improbable translation of 
1 Tun. iii. 15 — *as a pillar and mainstay of the truth' — should 
be adopted. That Timothy himself is termed the pillar few will 
believe. 

As to incorrect theology, it peeps out somewhat indistinctly and 
only occasionally. Thus it is affirmed that ' the early Church, and 
even the Apostles themselves, expected their Lord to come again in 
that very generation. St. Paul himself shared in that expectation,' 
&c. (vol. 1. p. 431). This opinion has been refuted many times, 
the Epistles to the Thessalonians themselves showing its incorrect- 
ness. Here, however, it comes up again after Paley. It is surely 
time that such a libel on Paul should cease to be advanced. 

It is also bad theology to say, that 'all who make an 
outward profession of Christianity are, in St. Paul's language, 
**the called" (jcXiotoi). They liave received a message from 
Grod, which has callea them to enter into His church ' (vol. ii. p. 
28). In point of £act, such persons are never called xXioroi in 
Paul's epistles. 

In like manner we demur to the assertion that the sense 
of iym in the New Testament is nearly equivalent to the modem 
'Christians.' When we are told that 'the objection to trans- 
lating it " saints " is, that the idea now conveyed by that term is 
quite different from the meaning of oi iym as used by St. Paul,' 
we feel that the writer has no proper idea of the true meaning. 
This is apparent from occasional remarks respecting the consti- 
tution of the New Testament churches. 

Neither do we agree with the writer of note 2, respecting the 
interpretation of Romans vii. 14-24 (vol. ii. p. 176), as far as we 
can understand its piuport But its theology is very muddy. 
What is meant by ' Christians are (so far as God is concerned) 
redeemed already from this state ; but in themselves, and so far as 
they live to themselves, they are still in bondage,' it is impossible 
for us to ascertain ; for the term Christians appears to be loosely 
used, as well as the word redeemed. No light is thrown on the 
purport of the seventh chapter. 

The most prominent things in the work to which we object are 



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118 The Life and EpUtleB of St. Paul. [April, 

— the assumption of Paul's second imprisonment at Rome; the 
arrangement of the pastoral epistles, by which they are put into 
this period of captivity ; the view taken of the Epistle to the Ephe- 
sians, by which it is supposed to have been a circular one ; and 4e 
Barnabas authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews, in connection 
with its being addressed to the Church at Alexandria. In addition 
to these particulars, the writers have not shown their judgment or 
discrimination in assuming that Paul paid a short visit to Corinth 
in the second year of his residence at Ephesus, and that the Epistle 
to the Galatians was written a few months after that to the Ronians, 
from Corinth likewise. Most unsatisfactory, too, or rather erro- 
neous, are the views given of the four parties in the Corinthian 
church, the origin and duties of the Diaconate, and many other 
topics to which we need not allude. 

In regard to the second Roman imprisonment, there is a tone of 
confidence, which the nature of the subject scarcely warrants. 
The writers seem to think that all who are competent to form an 
opinion can arrive at but one conclusion, which, of course, is their 
own. Disputed as the thinff is, and very perplexing, it would have 
been more becoming to omit references to ' competent men,' and 
the like expressions. The only scholars whom they are pleased to 
except among the list of ' competent ' critics who have arrived at 
a diflerent result from theirs, are Wieseler and Davidson; but 
others are not wanting. Schaff is one of them, in his recently 
published Geschickte der ehristlichen Kirche^ Erster Band, S. 265, 
u. s. w. Reuss is another most able witness, with whom our 
authors appear unacquainted. So is Matthies, equally unknown to 
them. Winer also inclines unmistakeably to one captivitjr. We 
have read over the arguments adduced in favour of the Apostie s 
liberation, but find nothing new in them* They are repeated for 
the hundredth time. It is surprising that any weight should be 
attached to the declamatory passage in Clement's epistle to the 
Corinthians. The first, and indeed the only witness, Up to his own 
day who speaks distinctly of Paul's liberation is Eusebius, who 
calls it expressly a tradition or report (Xoyos- ex^i). Tlie external 
evidence adduced by the writers is arranged in a one-sided way. 
After the siftings to which every passage has been subjected, and 
the great uncertainty of the interpretations belonging to the words 
of Clement and the Muratorian fragment, surely feimess should 
have prompted a different method of treatment. Those therefore 
who look simply and solely to what is here given as evidence for 
Paul's liberation will have a most inadequate view of the question. 
On the other side, the reader should consult the elaborate discus- 
sions of Wieseler and Davidson — discussions all but ignored by 
the writers of the work under review. 

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1853.] The Life and Hpistles of St Paul 119 

In relation to the internal evidence favourable to Paul's libera- 
tion and second captivity, it is asserted that ^ the historical facts 
mentioned in the Episties to Hmotheus and 'Iltus cannot be placed 
in any portion of St. Paul's life before or during his first unpri- 
sonment in Borne.' This is taking high ground. But the many 
able writers who ?iave placed those episties before and in the first 
captivity furnish a practical refutation of the bold assertion. Nay, 
it is intimated that, imless we are prepared to dispute the genuine- 
ness of the pastoral episties, we must admit that St. Paul was liber- 
ated, and laboiured for years after. But their genuineness has been 
maintained as firmly by those who hold one captivity as by the 
writers tiiemselves ; and it has not yet been shown that the former 
are inconsistent in their belief, rerhaps we may safely say it 
cannot Eight arguments are given in Appendix I. (vol. ii. p. 551, 
&c.), which tend to show the late date of the pastoral epistles, 
bringing them down to a.d. 68. The second, third, seventh, and 
eighth may be dismissed at once as the weakest of the number. 
More weight attaches to the remaining ones, and we should sup- 
pose them to be uppermost and diiei in the estimation of our 
authors. As to the first, which deduces the contemporaneoumess 
of the three pastoral episties from their resemblance in language, 
matter, style of composition, and state of the churches they describe, 
we unhesitatingly demur to its conclusiveness. When a charge is 
here made against Wieseler, that he altogether ignores the ques- 
tion of internal evidence from style and church organization, a like 
charge lies against our authors, who ignore the similar character 
of the persons addressed in the episties, both being evangelists, the 
similar duties they were charged with, and the similar relations in 
which they stood to the Apostie. Too much has been made of the 
language, style, and matter of these compositions as proving con- 
tempOTaneous composition ; and fistr too littie of the common cir- 
cumstances in which they must have originated. To argue that 
they were written about tiie same time because their language 
hem a considerable resemblance, and their matter too, is to reason 
most illogically. It should first be shown that other circumstances 
are whoUv insufficient to account for the phenomena in question. 
But this has been evaded. Besides, the change in style has been 
exaggerated. * So great a diange in style,' we are tola, * from the 
Epistle to the Philippians, which was the last written during the first 
Koman imprisonment, must require an interval of certainly not 
less than four or five years to account for it ' (vol. ii. p. 552). We 
are far from thinking so, unless the pastoral episties had been 
addressed to churches in like circumstances as that at Philippi. 
The estimate here given of Paid is lowering, and certainly unwar- 
ranted. It is even intimated that five years of exhausting labour, 

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120 The Life and Epktlea of St. Paul. [April, 

great physical and moral sufiFerings, and bitter experience of human 
nature, deteriorated and diluted the style as seen in the pastoral 
epistles. 

In relation to the church organisation pointing to the late date 
of these epistles, we have often wondered why writers belonpng to 
the Church of England urge this argument. That it is destitute 
of all force requires little showing. In what respect does the con- 
stitution of the churches spoken of in the pastoral epistles differ 
from that of others? In vain have we looked for an answer to 
this Question. Show us how the churches superintended by Timothy 
and Titus differed in any material point from the cnurches of 
Corinth or Philippi? Till this be done, we must abide in the 
belief that there was no difference. Do the detailed rules for the 
choice of presbyters and deacons imply numerous candidates for 
these offices ? So say Messrs. Conybeare and Howson. But the 
inference is inconsequent. The exclusion of veo^tn-oi from the 
presbyterate, and 'tne regular catalogue' (f) of church widows 
afford as little proof of late date. 

The argument derived from the heresies condemned in the three 
epistles is also said to forbid the supposition of an early date. But 
this is not shown in any tangible mrm ; and, besides, the parts of 
the epistles which are thought to contain references to the Gnostic 
and other heresies, not only of the pastoral epistles, but of that 
addressed to the Colossians, as well as second Peter and Jude, 
are by no means well explained. The influence of Dr. Burton's 
work on the present writers is too palpably seen. At the 
end of our first volume there is a long note on these heresies, 
which, taken in connection with a variety of scattered notices and 
remarks in the second volume, gives an insight into the opinion of 
the writers relative to early Gnosticism and apostolic allusions to 
it. The note is good enough for popular purposes, and properly 
combats Stanley's view, but gives no profound, philosophical, or 
comprehensive sketch. Exact accuracy is wanting in it There 
is a leaning to the one-sidedness of Burton, who makes far too 
much of ms theme. Had Baur's Ghwm and some other books 
been studied, better views might have been exhibited. On the 
whole, we have been disappointed with the portion of the book 
before us which treats of the pastoral epistles and Paul's imaginary 
second imprisonment. The writers should have grappled with the 
arguments of those who have recently contended against Paul's 
liberation, and placed the Rrst Epistle to Timothy and that to 
Titus at some period prior to Paul's arrival at Kome. These 
writers may not have been successful in putting them in the places 
where they have, but that is no good reason against those letters 
belonging to the anterior part of Paul's life, except absolute im- 



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1853.] The Life and JEpistlee of St. Foul 121 

possibility of insertion could be proved. Above all, they should 
adopt a less confident tone in a discussion of this perplexing ques- 
tion, avoiding hints about persons who have caremlly studied the 
epistles not arriving at any other conclusions than theirs. We are 
acquainted with some who have studied the epistles of Paul quite 
as long and as carefully as they, who have come to the conclusion 
that the Roman liberation and second imprisonment of Paul are 
ima^ary ; that there is nothing in the First Epistle to Timothy 
or that to Titus which favours the liberation ; and that one or two 
passages in 2 Timothy involve far less difficulty of explanation on 
the angle-captivity theory than the great similarity of circum- 
stances and persons in the case of both imprisonments. 

Another unsatis&ctorypart of the book is that which treats of 
the Ephesian Epistle. The writers adopt the old hypothesis of 
Ussber, viz. that the letter was meant to he a circular one, and that 
the name Ephesus was not in the original copy emanating from 
Paul. The usual points of evidence, both internal and external, 
are given, followed by the dogmatic assertion, * the above argu- 
ments have convinced the ablest of modem critics (who is he ?) toat 
this Epistle was not addressed to the Ephesians ' (vol. ii. p. 406). 
But there are many able critics whom these arguments nave not 
convinced. They have not convinced Meyer, who concludes his 
EmUitung to the Epistle with these emphatic words : — ' Glaube ich 
dasB kein anderes kritisches Verfahren bei Ermittelung der Leser 
des ^BnQh im rechte sei, als das von den meisten neueren aufgege- 
bene conservative, welches auf das Resultat zuriickkommt, unser 
Brief eeian die Epheser gerichtet und cm wetter keine Gfemeinde, 
u. 8. w.' * TRiey have not convinced Rinck ; they have not con- 
vinced Dr. Davidson, whose arguments remain in all their force, 
ignored by these writers. Even Conybeare and Howson's enthusi- 
astic Edinburgh reviewer timidly ventures to dissent from them 
here. We are the more satisfied of the unsoundness of the hypo- 
thesis adopted, when the authors say in a note that Paul did write 
an Epistle to Ephesus which has been lost. Rather than hold that 
the so-called Epistle to the Ephesians was really intended for them, 
they assume that another, mysteriously lost, was written and ad- 
dressed to the important Church at Ephesus ; and it is stated, ' we 
cannot doubt that St. Paul did write many epistles which are now 
lost.' For ourselves, we greatly doubt it. It is most arbitrary to 
suppose that he wrote many epistles now lost. There is not the 
least hint of it. It is quite improbable. A few such he may have 
sent — certainly one to the Corinthians ; but to multiply one or two 
into mani/ exceeds our power of belief. 

■ Der Brief an die Epheser, Einleit., 8. 14. 

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122 The Life and JEpistles of St. Paul [April, 

The third prominently unsatisfactory part of the work is that 
about the Epistle to the Hebrews, whose authorship is assigned to 
Barnabas, and whose original destination is characterised to be for 
the Church at Alexandria. The only external testimony in fistvoin* 
of Barnabas is that of Tertullian; and as to the internal con- 
firmatory evidence here adduced, it is of the most meagre and 
perfunctory nature. The opinion that the treatise was meant for 
the Churcn at Alexandria is evidently taken firom Wieseler ; but 
repeated examination of the epistle has convinced us that the tone 
and particulars of the epistle, supposed to favour it, are susceptible 
of a better explanation. The Alexandrian tone of thought and 
reasoning by which the epistle is said to be characterised have been 
unduly magnified, as is apparent from the gradual melting away of 
many things of the sort insisted on by Tholuck in the older editions 
of his Commentary on the Hebrews, out quietly dropped in the last. 
The arguments aaduced in the work before us to negative the idea 
that the epistle was addressed to a church in Palestine appear to 
us equally invalid with those in fovour of the Barnabas authorship. 
Whatever difficulties be involved in the indirectly Pauline author- 
ship, and the orimnal destination of the treatise for a Palestinian 
church, they are far less formidable than such as lie against any 
other. Barnabas has less claim to the authorship than ApoUos ; 
Alexandria less claim to the honour of the first possession of the 
epistle than the Church at Jerusalem. Here again the strongest 
arguments on the ade opposite to the writers' are ignored. Forster, 
Delitzsch, and Davidson, are not answered — indeed the two former 
are never mentioned, while the last writer's elaborate discussion 
of the authorship goes for nothing in the opinion of our critics. 
This is neither wise nor impartial. 

Among other things in the work to which we object, though 
they are not of such extent or importance as the preceding, may be 
mentioned the view given of the parties in the Corinthian ChimA. 
Here the treatment is most scanty and unsatisfactory. On a point 
which has called forth so much discussion in Germany, more ought 
to have been said. The omission of greater detail here is quite 
unpardonable ; but it is apparent that tne writers had no adequate 
view of the importance or difficulty of the theme, and therefore 
they content themselves with a very few remarks that throw no 
light on the state of parties. Had they made use of one of the 
latest and largest commentaries on the First Epistle to the Corin- 
thians, we mean that of Osiander, they must have had other views 
in relation to the point. Our disappointment was great at not 
finding anything worth reading on the four parties. 

In vol. ii. pp. 18, 19, the writers argue, raer many others, that 
Paul, before writing to the Corinthians, had visited them twice — 

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1853.] The Life and JSpigtles cf St. Foul 123 

the second time during his stay at Ephesus. Since the time Bleek 
wrote an essay to prove two visits, in the Stvdien und Kritiken, 
this view has heen generally adopted, in one form or other ; but all 
that has been written in fetyour of it has failed to convince us of its 
truth. Here the principal arguments for it are briefly given again, 
not by any means in the strongest or most convincing form. The 
common-sense objection to the supposed second visit is, that the 
easier passage (vi2. 2 Cor. i. 15, 16) is explained by the more dif- 
ficult ones, «md made to conform to them, instead of the reverse. 
Hence we agree with De Wette and Davidson in rejecting the 
imaginary second visit. Hiose who wish to enter into tne question 
should read Wieseler and Davidson, who discuss the point very 
fully, taking opposite sides. The latter's arguments are not touched 
by our authors.^ 

In vol. ii. pp. 186, 137, the Epistle to the Galatians is dated 
from Corinth during the Apostle's second (or, as the writers would 
say, ikird) visit to that city, and a long note exhibits reasons for 
the view in question. Our present space will not allow us to 
combat these, but they do not at all strike us as satisfactory. 
What appears to have led to the date assumed is the similarity of 
contents between the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians, whence 
it is inferred that the latter was written within a few months of the 
former. Such reasoning is not very logical, though, to judge from 
the arguments in favour of the late date of the pastoral epistles, it 
seems to be a favourite with our critics. We are not at all con- 
vinced that the right date is here assigned to the Galatian Epistle, 
and should readily pve a better, were we not hastening to bring 
the article to a dose. 

•We had intended alluding to what is said about infant baptism 
in vol. i. pp. 470, 471, which must be characterised as exceedingly 
feeble, especially when looked at in the light of Bunsen's remarks 
inserted in his Hippolytus; but must forbear. We difier from 
many things advanced, convinced that they will not stand the test 
of examination ; but that few;t does not blind us to the merit be- 
longing to the volumes. This merit we freely concede. It is 
very considerable. In the historical, geographical, and archaeo- 
logical descriptions it shines forth most conspicuously ; and there 
the reader may safely sit at the feet of the writers, and learn 
to connect the Apostle of the Gentiles with the many places he 

*» The enlogristic reviewer of our book in the 'Edinburgh Review' for Janaar^, 
1853, says, in reference to the third visit to Corinth, and those who deny it, 
* We hope an age of biblical exegesis is dawning, when we shall inquire no longer 
what words may mean, but what they do mean.' Yes ; and we hope that an age is 
dawning when true scholars shall cease to impute unworthy motives to one another, 
and lay aside flippantly offensive expressions. 

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124 The Life and JEpiMha of St. Paul. [April, 

looked upon or trod. The task which Messrs. Conybeare and 
Howson undertook was arduous, and they have done it weD. 
Cordially therefore do we thank them for their contribution to 
New Testament introduction. If we have differed from them, and 
criticised their performance, they will allow us the privilege claimed 
by every scholar of thinking for himself. It would have been easy 
to write an undiscriminative panegyric, and far more agreeable 
too ; but they will probably be more grateful for the honest expres- 
gion of our views than for fulsome praise. All sides of the book 
have been held up to the reader^s notice, as far as our space al- 
lowed, and not merely one. In closing the volumes, we do so with 
high respect for the authors, admiration of their learning, and con- 
scious feeling of their ability. They have laboured most honour- 
ably in a noble field, approving themselves as critics imbued with 
an enlightened, and hberal tneology, refreshing in this sectarian 
age. Ineir hearts are right ; their heads clear and well-fiimished, 
their style scholarly, eloquent, impressive. May they receive, as 
they deserve, encouragement from the sanctified scholarship of the 
land. 



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1853.] Slavery and the Old Testament. 125 



SLAVERY AND THE OLD TESTAMENT. 

Sigtoire de VEsclavage dans VAjitiquiti. Par H. Wallon. 
Paris, 1847. 

De Tlniluence du Christianisme sur le Droit Civil des Romains. 
Par M. Troplonq. Paris, 1843. 

De Servis et eorum apud Antiquos Ministeriis. Auctore L. Pig- 
NORE. Patay. 1694. 

De Servis et Ancillis Tractatus cum Versione et Nbtis a J. C. 
Kall. Auctore Mose Maimonide. Hafii. 1744. 

Mosaisches Becht von J. D. Michaelis. Frankfort, 1775. 

Iitquiry into the State of Slavery ammtg the Romans, By Wil- 
liam Blair. Edinburgh, 1833. 

GalluSy oder Rdmische Scenen aus der Zeit Augusts^ von W. A, 
Becker. Rein's Edition. Leipzig, 1849. 

Slatbry is that condition in which human beings are regarded 
and treated as things. There are three orders of existences — 
things, animals, men. Men have rational life, animals have sen- 
tient life, things have life devoid of reason and devoid of sense. 
A slave, considered as a slave, has not rational life, for he has no 
will of his own. A slave, considered as a slave, has not sentient 
life, for his senses are the property of his owner. He is, conse- 
quently, a mere thing. He is a possession, like a piece of land or 
a piece of furniture. He belongs to the goods and chattels of his 
master, being, like them, bought and sold, inherited and bequeathed ; 
taken hither, sent thither, employed, as any other tool, in such ser- 
vice as his owner may please. 

Such is slaveiy in its essence. And it is thus seen that slavery 
is not service. Service involves an act of the will ; in slavery the 
will is passive, an instrument in the hand of a master. The 
highest service is the service which the soul pays to God. The 
highest service is the most spontaneous. Aaoration is a concen- 
tration on God of all our higner faculties of thought and emotion, 
through an intense effort of the will. Nor is slavery labour. In 
labour the will is firee. The free man labours because he wills to 
labour ; the slave labours because he is subject to his owner's will. 
Hence slavery, in minimising the human will, minimises labour ; 
and when the will is most intense, then is labour most productive. 

The essence, then, of slavery is the annihilation of the himian 
will. No will, no freedom. A man robbed of his will is a slave ; 
but the absolute destruction of the human will is not easy. Rarely, 
in the lowest condition, has the will of man been wholly blotted 



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J 26 Slavery and the Old Testament, [April, 

out. It is, in consequence, necessary somewhat to extend the 
application of the tenn. And, if the possession of your own will 
makes you a freeman, any invasion of that right brings you toward 
the condition of a slave. Hie degree of your approach to slavery 
is determined by the degree of usurpation to which you are subject. 
There are cases in which it is diflScult to say where slavery begins 
and where freedom ends ; but, in general, it may be affirmed that 
the forcible predqminance of the will of another over my will is 
slavery. He is a slave, whether he serves or not, whether he 
labours or not, whether he is rich or poor, whether he holds a high 
station or a low station, he is a slave who is compelled to obey 
another's will. 

Consequently servants are not slaves. On an act of their own 
will does their service depend. Domestic servants enter a femily 
by their own will, and when they will they leave the family. Other 
kmds of servants of their own will form the contracts under which 
they serve, and terminate those contracts at their own pleasure. 
It is true they are subject to moral restraint arising in another's 
mind ; but such moral restraint is universal ; such moral restraint 
is a necessary element in human society. It is, more or less, ex- 
erted by every man over every other man with whom he comes in 
contact. The lowest slave and the truest freeman is liable to this 
moral constraint. By the very £act that this constraint is moral, 
it is exempted from the compulsions peculiar to slavery. Slavery 
subjugates the will hw coercing the body. Hence slavery implies 
the use of force. The emp&yment of force, whether actual or 
virtual, to over-rule and dir^t the will of another, is slavery. 

With the aid of this definition it may be seen that there are 
several kinds of slavery. There is first public or political slavery. 
Public or political slavery exists when a people is subject to the 
will of one man, whether called general, president, king, or em- 
peror. There is, in the second place, domestic davery. Domestic 
slavery exists when the members of a frunily are subject to the will of 
its head, whether called master or mistress. These are the two chief 
species of slavery. They represent slavery in its normal condition. 

Approximations to slavery exist. The prisoner is a slave, so iar 
as his power of locomotion, and perhaps of labour, extends. The 
soldier is a slave, so far as his service is compulsory, and the result 
of military discipline. The serf is in a condition ap[nx)adung to 
slavery, because he comes and goes with the land on which he was 
bom, in all purchases and sales forming a part of the valuaUes. 

K, however, the serf is permitted to hold property, he may, in 
process of time, rise into a freeman. And so, in the progress of 
civilization, it has happened that the slave, in becoming linked to 
his native dod, passes into a serf, and the serf, by acquiring pro- 

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1853.] Slavery and the Old Testament. 127 

perty, passes into the freeman. In all civilized countries the 
transition may be seen in some stage from its commencement to 
its tennination ; and the degree of advance which it has made in 
any country is not a bad measure of the amount of its civilization. 
Barbarism and slavery go hand in hand. 

Our definitions enable us to declare the origin, and describe 
the character, of slavery. Slavery springs from force, and that 
fwce arises in selfishness. Cupidity is the source of slavery, and 
violence is its instrument. If cupidity and violence are right, 
slavery is right ; if cupidity and violence are wrong, slavery is 
wrong. Slavery is not only wrong, but it is the greatest of wrongs, 
for, as we have seen, it is the annihilation of the human will. 
The gravest injury you can suffer is to be deprived of your manhood, 
and he who has no will is no man. 

^very is coeval with human history. The earliest records of 
our race bear testimony to the existence of slavery. The East, 
Ae cradle of dvilization, is the cradle of slavery. Slavery in the 
East was universal. All the great states of antiquity were slave- 
states. In general the slaves lar outnumbered the freemen. Free- 
dom was limited to one man, or to a few men ; slavery was the 
general condition. 

Cast your eye on those monumental paintings of andent Egyptian 
art* Those dark-coloured men, bound, and led captive, and in 
torture, are slaves. Africa is already the nurse of slaves. So early 
does davery go back in Egypt, and so thoroughly did it enter into 
die heart oi E^ptian society, that the figure of a slave was a hiero- 
glyplric in the Egyptian alphabet. Slavery entered into the consti- 
tution of the Assyrian empire. The will of the monarch was the 
only law. The old Assyrian monarchy and the new were alike slave- 
states. Savery prevailed in the Persian empire. Indeed, all the 
great Oriental monarchies had their basis in slavery. In the West, 
too, slavery was a political or a domestic institution. From the straits 
of Gibraltar to the sea of China slavery extended its sway, and so 
covered with its dark lines the whole belt of ancient civilization. 

Iliroughout this lengthened zone of the globe the slave-trade 
was in great activity. Every great centre of dvilizalion was a 
centre of the slave-trade. To each of these, as they stretched 
(torn East to West, did intervening countries send* their agents, 
either to effect sales, or to make purchases of human beings. In 
the West there were two great emporiums of the slave-trade : the 
one was i^ypt, the other was Phoenicia. Egypt, as bordering on 

' Consult * Manners and Costoms of the Ancient Egyptians,' by Sir J. Gardner 
Wmdnson ; * Egypt, her Testimony,* by William Osburn, Jun. ; * Ancient Egypt 
Qnder the Pharaohfe,' by the Rev. John Kenrick, M.A. ; and * .£gypten's Stelle m 
der Weltgeschichte,' von C. C. J. Bunsen. 

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128 Slavery and the Old Testament. [April, 

the slave-producing lands, grew rich by the traflBc in men ; but 
Egypt was too much shut up within its own limits to become a 
general slave-dealer. Egypt rather received than exported slaves. 
The great slave-mart was JPhcenicia. Tyre, connected even with 
the remote East by the caravan trade, and connected with the 
farther West by its ships and its merchants, was the slave-mart of 
the ancient world. Thither slaves were brought from the East and 
from the South, there they were sold, and thence they were sent 
down the Mediterranean, to the West, and to the North.*> 

Slavery is found in the first chapters of the Biblical history. 
Had we no other evidence, the Scriptures abundantly show that 
slavery existed long before the days of Moses, and in the land for 
which he prepared a great people and a noble history. And the 
first recoOTiition of slavery in the Bible is the recognition of it as a 
ciu'se. An accursed thing did slavery appear in the eyes of Noah, 
the second father of human kind. ' Cursed,' said he, * be Canaan,' 
a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren (Gen. ix. 26). 
The first war recorded in the Bible was a war which ended in 
slavery ; the princes of Mesopotamia subjugated and enslaved the 
princes of the vale of the Jordan (Gen. xiv. 1 seq,) ; and the first 
distinguished act in the history of Abraham was the breaking of 
that yoke. The narrative lets us know that Abraham himself was 
a slave-owner. The chief forces he employed were three hundred 
and eighteen slaves bom in his own house (Gen. xiv. 14). The 
very mention of such slaves is a proof that slavery existed long 
prior to this event. Before there can be slaves bom in a master's 
house, there must have been slaves bom out of a master's house ; 
and slaves bom out of a master's house must have been obtained 
bjr purchase or by capture,— most probably by both. The expe- 
dition against the Mesopotamian knigs throws light on capture as 
a means of obtaining slaves. Among the booty which Abraham 
made on the occasion was a number of captives, who, as captives, 
were reduced to slavery. Thus was it that, when the patriarch, on 
his way back, paid his homage to the king of Sodom, the latter 
said to the former, ' Give me the persons, and take the goods to 
thyself (Gen. xiv. 21). Here, then, we have two sources of 
slavery, war and birth : persons who were made prisoners in war 
became slaves, and the ofispring of these captives were slaves by 
birth. The emphatic mention made of Abraham's house-bom 
slaves, and the ease with which they defeated the large invading 
force, indicate the superiority of that class of slaves. Such supe- 
riority would spring from the proximity in which such slaves 

^ ' UntersuchuDgen iiber die Religion und die Gottheiten der Phonizier/ &c.^ 
Ton Dr. F. C. Movers. Bonn, 1841-50. 

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1853.] Slaoery and the Old Testament. 129 

lived with their owner. Even afiection and trust might, to some 
extent, spring up between a master and his slaves. Accord- 
ingly a house-bom slave, Eliezer, held the high and confidential 
oflSce of house-steward to Abraham, and, had the patriarch re- 
mained childless, this slave would have been Abraham's heir 
(Exod. XV. 3). In Abraham's family there were female slaves. 
Hagar, the mother of Ishmael, the father of the Arab tribes, 
was a female slave. As Hagar was an Egyptian, Africa 
seems to have been one land whence the patriarch. obtained his 
slaves. The relations which existed between Abraham and his 
slaves were of the higher kind. Witness the superiority of his 
house-bom slaves ; witness their fidelity ; witness their martial 
skill and prowess ; witness also the high position and higher expec- 
tations ot Eliezer ; witness die willingness of Sarah to account as 
her own the children of Hagar ; but chiefly witness the fact, that 
slaves, whether bought with money or bom in the house, were 
members of the fiunily, and members of the church, for they were 
reckoned in the generations, and they were circumcised (Gen. 
xvii. 12, 13, 23 «ej.). In the joumeyings of Abraham we find 
clear traces of slavery. In the south of Canaan Kine Abimelech, 
in the parting present which he made to his visitor, tne patriarch, 
included with sheep and oxen, men-servants and women-servants 
(Gen. XX. 14 ; comp. xxi. 22 seq.). In Egypt, too, Abraham, 
among other wealth, acquired, through fstvour of the reigning 
Pharaoh, both male and female slaves (Gen. xii. 16). It deserves 
notice, that in the social condition of Abraham, he and his kindred 
are the only firee men. The circle of freedom is restricted within 
Nahor and his descendants. Abraham, Sarah, and their slaves, 
would be a correct description of the patriarch's fiunily. In all 
probability that family is a pattern of otner families of the age and 
the country. Society, in consequence, consisted of a few free men, 
each the nead of a fiimily, and that family consisted of slaves. 
But the slavery was of the mildest kind. In spirit die head of the 
fiunily was not only its master, but its father. 

In such a state of society the slave might, without much diflBculty, 
pa^ into a freeman. The elevation was facilitated by a practice to 
which reference has been made in the parentage oi Ishmael. In 
patriarchal times, if the wife gave her lord no heir, she sought to 
obtain that blessing by means of a handmaid. Thus of Efilhah, 
Rachel's female slave, was bom first Dan and then Naphtali (Gen. 
XXX. 6-8) ; and Zilpah, Leah's female slave, gave Jacob two sons. 
Gad and Asher (12, 13). Accordingly four of the twelve tribes of 
Israel sprang on the mother's side from slaves. We may not be 
wrong if we designate as mulattoes Dan, Naphtali, Gad and Asher, 
the fathers of the tribes of Israel of the same names. 

VOL. IV. — NO. VII. K 

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130 Slavery and the Old Testament, [April, 

Our picture of slavery, as connected with the patriarchs, would 
be incomplete, were we to pass over the occasion which took Jo- 
s^h into Egypt. Sold into slavery by his jealous InrotherB, that 
patriarch was conveyed down into the valley of the Nile, and 
there disposed of with other merchandise. He was purchased by 
a caravan of Ishmaehtes, who carried on the slave-trade, and 
trade of other kind, between northern Arabia and Egypt, fonning 
a branch running to the south-west of the great trunk of com- 
merce which connected the Ganges with the Mediterranean. 
Curious is it to behold Ishmael and Joseph, both descendants of 
Abraham, united in the unhappy relation of slave and slave-dealer. 

In Egypt Joseph found a species of slavery in existence of 
which he had no knowledge in the uplands of Fklestine. There 
he knew only domestic slavery — in Egypt he became familiar with 
public or political slavery. The Pharaohs were despots, -their 
people were their slaves. Whatever privileges the miUtary or the 
priestly caste might possess, however high the position any one 
might hold, however great the power any one might attain, all 
were slaves as much as ^ the butler of the king of Egypt and his 
baker' (Gen. xl. 1), and held their lives and properties in depen- 
dence on the will of the one sole freeman, the royal potentate, in 
whose veins, as was believed, ran the blood of men, heroes and 
gods of untold generations. In broad contrast stand the slavery 
of Egypt and the slavery of Palestine. It was in the ordinations 
of Providence that the latter country should fall under the yoke of 
the former country. The descendants of Joseph and his brethren 
experienced the niU severities of Egyptian slavery. When they 
entered Egypt the twelve tribes had slave blood in their veins. 
During their sojourn there, they learned to pity slaves by enduring 
the inflictions of slavery. 

Such was the people and such was the state of society for which 
Moses had to form a code. Re^^arded from an Egyptian point of 
view, his people were a horde of fugitive slaves. Unquestionably 
they were outcasts and wanderers during the whole time that they 
were under the care of Moses. They of course partook the 
general ideas and shared in the general observances of the day ; 
consequently, from being slaves, they were desirous of becoming 
slave-owners : and in their joumevings they had ample opportu- 
nities to gratify their desires. War and purchase would supply 
them with slaves. A more expeditious means was men-steaUng. 
The temptations were great. The descendants of Abraham were 
a fine race. Possessing supericnr endowments, and carrying with 
them the practical arts of Egypt, the Israelites, with their great 
numbers, easily commanded the countries through which they 
passed and in which they tarried. Nothing more easy for them 

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1863.] Slavery cmd the Old Testament 131 

than to sweep each land in succession of its population, and so to 
engage in the slave-trade on a magnificent scale and with pecu- 
niary results the most brilliant. But Moses knew the moral de- 
gradation that would ensue, and having it as his aim to build up 
a great nation, he prohibited the slave-trade under the severest 
penalty, and put the stealing of a man in the same category of 
crime as the smiting of a father and a mother. * He that smiteth 
his father or his mother, shall be surely put to death : and he that 
stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he 
shall surely be put to death.' Exod. xxi. 16, 17. 

It is difficult to understand how a lepslator who passed such a 
law could in any way endure slavery. If it is wrong to steal, it is 
wrong to receive what is stolen ; if it is wrong to steal a man, it is 
wrong to purchase a man that has been stolen : and if it is wrong 
to purchase, it is wrong to possess a man that has been purchased 
or stolen. This enactment therefore seems to lay the axe to the 
root of slavery. It forbids slavery in its primary source ; and 
such a prohibition pronounces a condemnation on slavery in all its 
aspects. Very dear, however, it is that Moses regarded slavery 
with aver^n. He who put the man-stealer to death seems, by 
.the act, to declare his disapprobation of the system of slavery. 
Hence we seem justified in concluding that Moses was wholly hos- 
tile to slavery. Apparenfly he made an efibrt to prevent his 
people firom being defiled by slavery. Through the 'hardness of 
heart* (Matt. xix. 8) on the part of the people with whom Moses 
had to do, the endeavour proved abortive. Slavery, like the 
facility of divorce, proved too strong for the le^slator. So sure, 
so ready, so rich, and so common a mine of wealth the people 
would not renounce. Nevertheless Moses, if compelled to yield 
slavery, would not permit man-stealing ; and on slavery itself he 
reserved to put restrictions. 

In order to form a just view of the position which, under these 
circumstances, Moses took in regard to slavery, we must view the 
subject in relation first to foreigners, then to Hebrews, and then 
generally. 

It was with intense dislike and almost abhorrence that a faithful 
Helwrew, deeply and cordially attached to monotheism, regarded 
foreign nations, who were without exception idolaters, and, as 
idolaters, given to low, brutal, and licentious rites. Actuated by 
antipathies so strong, the wars which Israel waged against its 
neighbours were wars of extermination ; the sword devoured a 
conquered enemy: only a few captives were made, and conse- 
quently war, the chief source of slavery in the world generally, 
brought few slaves into Canaan. The result had a merciful ten- 
dency ; for far better is death than slavery. 

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132 Slavery and the Old Testament [April, 

The less disposed was the Hebrew law to enoourage the in- 
coming of foreign slaves, because of the moral and religious cor- 
ruptions which they could not fail to introduce, and which, if freely 
tolerated, would certainly lower and might undermine the pure 
religion of Jehovah, by depraving the character of his worshippers. 

Yet were Israelites permitted to buy bondmen and bondmaids 
of the heathen around them, as well as of the children of heathen 
parents bom in the land. Such slaves were by law a p^manent 
possession (Levit. xxv. 44, seq.). 

Strictly speaking, slaves of foreign origin were the only slaves 
in Israel, for they only remained slaves to the end of their days. 
Certainly the fundamental law of the Hebrew conmionwealth, 
when taken in its rigour, was incompatible with slavery. Among 
heathen nations the sovereign was, as the only freeman, so the 
sole proprietor — the people were his property, feut in the institu- 
tions of Moses the nation belonged to Jehovah, and to Jehovah 
alone. The substitution of this religious relation for the political 
relation under which the heathen world lived, made all Israelites 
free and equal ; nor, without an infringement of the great funda- 
mental principle, could a Hebrew even temporarily become the 
property of another Hebrew. The Israelite, now poor, how weak 
soever, was God's and not man's. So far, then, as the theocracy 
was honoured and prevailed, the descendants of Abraham could 
not be reduced to slavery in their own country. Accordingly the 
law forbad the enslavement of a Hebrew, as it forbad men-stealing. 
When poverty compelled a Hebrew to sell his liberty, he did no 
more than enter into service for a few years. Thus runs the com- 
mand : ' K thy brother be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou 
shalt not compel him to serve thee as a bond servant ; but as an 
hired servant and as a sojoimier he shall be with thee' f Levit. 
xxv. 39). Theft also was punished by the loss of freedom ^Exod. 
xxii. 2), and fathers were permitted to sell their daughters (Exod. 
xxi. 7). But if the service was in these cases more flian a species 
of hired labour (Levit. xxv. 53), the Hebrew slave, whether sold 
to a brother Hebrew or to a foreigner resident in Palestine, had 
the right of self-redemption, whether out of his own resources or 
out of the resources of a relative (Levit. xxv. 48). Any way, He- 
brew slaves, if slaves they can properly be called, gained their 
liberty either in the sabbatical year or in the year of jubilee. In 
no case could their service last more than six years, except by 
their own voluntary act (Levit. xxv. 41, seq, ; Exod. xxi. 6 ; Deut. 
XV. 12, seq.). When the limited time came, the servant departed 
from has master, ' both he and his children with him, and returned 
unto his own family and unto the possession of his fathers ; for 
they are my servants which I brought forth out of the land of 



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1853.] Slavery and the Old Testament, 133 

Egypt ; they shall not be sold as bondmen : thou shalt not rule 
over him with rigour, but shalt fear thy God' (Levit xxv. 41-3). 
Nor was the servant to leave his master empty handed. ^ And 
when thou sendest him out free from thee thou shalt furnish him 
liberaUy out of thy flock, and out of thy floor, and out of thy wine- 
press : of that wherewith the Lord thy God hath blessed thee thou 
shalt give unto him, and thou shalt remember that thou wast a 
bondman in the land of Egypt, and the Lord tJiy God redeemed 
thee' (Deut xxvi. 12, seq,). This consideration, namely, that 
Israel had been in bondage and had been redeemed therefrom, 
exerted a beneficial influence on the whole of the Mosaic regula- 
tions in regard to slavery. In the eye of the law of Moses the 
slave, whatever his country, never wholly ceased to be a man. 
The law protected his person against injury ; it threw its shield 
before his life. K a master destroyed an eye of his slave, the 
slave thereby gained his freedom. The loss of a tooth was com- 
pensated by the same boon (Exod. xxi. 26, 27). Punishment was 
decreed against a master whose hand caused the death of a slave 
(Exod. xxi. 20). One day in every seven was by law a day of 
rest for slaves and hired servants, and they too were to share in 
the social festivities which accompanied the public sacrifices (Deut. 
xii. 12-18 ; xvi. 11-14). 

Hie slavery, then, ctf the Mosaic code was a species of service 
scarcely more, if at all more rigorous than the ordinarily hired ser- 
vice of modem times. Certainly, both in extent and in severity, it 
stands in broad contrast with the slavery of the ancient world. 
And among the grounds of eulogy toward the Mosaic religion 
there is no one of a merely social nature which is more legi- 
timate than the aspect which it bears to slavery. Wonderful is 
this exception to the general treatment of slaves in the earlier 
periods of history. What a bright spot in the midst of sur- 
rounding darkness 1 Look at the neighbouring lands of Egypt 
and Phoenicia ; behold the numerous gangs of slaves there em- 
ployed in exhausting and unrequited labours, or exposed in the 
slave-markets, or dragged from their homes to distant lands: 
and revert to Canaan, and the mild spirit of its slave legislation : 
observe there even the slave of heathen origin at rest on the 
universal sabbath, and enjoying the &t of the land in the national 
banquets. 

Tne Bible has been cited as God's testimony in favour of slavery. 
If the evidence is admissible, for what does it bear witness ? Of 
course for slavery as it appears in its pages. Let the evidence be 
admitted. What then? Then God's word sanctions, and as it 
sanctions so it requires, a system as mild as the slavery of the 
Mosaic code. And while it sanctions and requires such a syster* 

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134 Slavery and the Old Testament. [April, 

so by inference does it condemn any Bystem of a seyerer kind, any 
system devoid of its mitigations and its benefactions. 

The Bible, however, gives no divine testimony in favom* of 
slavery. The Bible is the historian, not the apologist, of slavery. 
It tells what was, not what ought to be. In describing a past and 
very remote state of society, or rather in describing successiye 
states of the ancient world, it implies or declares that the great 
ones of the earth possessed slaves as they possessed flocks and 
herds. This is the oflSce of the Bible generally in regard to 
slavery. In giving us a picture of society some four thousand 
years ago, it introduced slaves, because slavery was then universal. 
Thus does the Bible attest its own authenticity, and gain a title to 
our respect without preferring a claim on our obedience. But 
Moses enjoined slavery. Say rather that Moses endeavoured to 
disallow slavery, and when unable to effect his righteous purpose, 
he did his utmost to qualify its injustice and to abate its evils. 
Slavery had not its ori^n with Moses. Before his time it pre- 
vailed and flourished. It came into his hands as an existing and 
long-established observance ; and, like a strong man, he moulded 
it so as to bring it into some resemblance to his own institutions. 

Whatever slavery was in the Mosaic code and in the Hebrew 
Commonwealth, its existence then is no justification for its 
existence now. Four thousand years may well be believed to have 
wrought some great ordinal changes in human society. In those 
changes lies the nullification of the Mosaic slave code. Providence 
in enect made that declaration when Titus destroyed Jerusalem 
together with its temple, and scattered the Hebrew people all over 
the world. Why I what is meant when the law of Moses b put 
forward as a witness in this issue? If the law of Moses has 
validity still in regard to slavery, then let your slavery be tiie 
slavery of the law of Moses. But if pleaded in this case, why is it 
neglected in other matters? K good for slavery, is not the 
Mosaic code good for circumcision ? And if good for circumcision, 
why is it not observed in its requirement of sacrifices ? If good 
for one of its dements, it is good for all. Why then are not 
slavery apologists Hebrews, rather than real heathens or professed 
Christians? 

In truth the Mosaic law, and the Mosaic institutions have come 
to an end. Good for their time and for their work, they are no 
longer e;ood. Their inferior light is lost in the efildgence of the 
light of our mid-day. Alas! tnat men who say they hcmour the 
Kble, should endeavour to cover their own iniquities with its 
authority. Not even thus can their misdeeds be justified ; man- 
stealing will still remain man stealing ; to bold property in human 
beings will still be a sin against God, and a cnme done to man, 

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1853.] Slavery md the Old Testament. 135 

whatever fialse pleas may be fetched from antiquity. But while 
you camiot make the Bible justify your slavery^ you may cause 
your slavery to inflict injury on the Bible. Most detrimental to 
the Bible and to the rdigion of the Bible, is it that even its 
authorised expounders should in these days be seen and heard 
to adduce its supposed authority in justification of slavery, despot- 
ism, and darkness. May God rescue the Bible from the hands of 
its mistaken friends ! far more injurious are they, far more injurious 
to its interests than its worst avowed foes. 

We have thus studied the position in which slavery stands in the 
older Scriptures. How is slavery regarded in the New Testament ? 
Before the question can receive a proper answer, we must know what 
slavery was as it existed in the days of Christ and his Apostles. 

At the advent of Christ the world had but one master ; all lands 
wore the Roman yoke. From the Indus to the Atlantic, and 
from Scandinavia to the African deserts, the banners of the Roman 
£m|Hre enforced obedience or commanded respect. Then for the 
first, and then for the last time, the dream so often dreamt both 
before and since, the dream of a universal dominion, was a proud 
reality. A imiversal dominion is universal slavery. And at the 
advent of Christ, slavery was universal. Up to the epoch of his 
birth, slavery had grown and spread until m the combined form 
of public and private slavery, it prevailed throughout the Roman 
empire. From that epoch, slavery has gradually declined, sinking 
somewhat every passing century, until now it is driven into the 
darker and less cultured parts of the earth, and being put on its 
defence, has extreme difficul^ to protect its degraded form, and 
preserve- its attenuated life. In truth the world has been emanci- 
pated by the Son, and if the Son make men free, then are they free 
indeed, for this is a manumission of individuals. Whereas Roman 
fireedom was but slavery under another name. True it is that 
every Roman &ther of the aristocratic class was free. And in the 
earlier periods of the government the fi'eedom was a reality. But 
ever did there exist a tendency toward despotism, which growing 
more and more decided, ended at last by concentrating £ul socisu 
and civil power in the hands of one man. The state predominant 
from the first, at last absolved all authority and all dominion, and 
in giving to ihe will of one man the eflScacy of law, suppressed and 
annihilated all other wills, and so established a system of universal 
and unqualified slavery. The grounds of this lamentable result 
lay in the domestic relations. The family is the germ of the 
Boman civilisation. And in a Roman family there was but one 
will. The father's power was supreme. Nay, the father only 
possessed power. The wife was little else than an upper servant. 
The children were wholly at the father's disposal ; and the slaves 

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136 Slavery and the Old Testament, [April, 

were his property. Absolute power of life and death was in the 
father's hanos. That power, if somewhat controlled by law, wbs 
also fiilly recognized by law. Hence Roman society was in its 
essence an aggregation of despotisms, and what easier or more 
natural than that a multitude of petty tyrannies should issue in the 
domination of a sovereign lord ? 

Every tyrant has a slave's soul, and every slave is a tyrant in 
the making. Hius slavery and tyranny presuppose each other, 
and slavery and tyranny, as a matter of fact, have followed when 
they have not involved each other. Roman despotism then may 
prepare us to expect a kind and degree of servitude in Rome, 
marked by its own strong and repulsive features. Such is the reality ; 
no tyranny worse than Roman tyranny, and no slavery worse than 
Roman slavery. Hie father, who was a despot toward his own 
children, could be nothing else than a tyrant toward his slave. 

The slave and the son however did not stand on the same foot- 
ing. The Lord Jesus Christ, with a reference to Roman rather 
than Hebrew slavery, has marked the fundamental distinction 
between the son and the slave, when he said, ' the slave abideth 
not in the house for ever, but the son abideth ever ' (John viii. 35). 
It is true the son might be sold by the father. It is true that the 
son might by adoption pass into another family. Nevertheless the 
bond which bound him to his home was not broken. If he 
recovered his liberty, he again fell imder his father's power, and 
on his father's death, he, as a matter of right, took possession of 
the family property. But the slave once sold, beoune another 
person's property. He might have been bom in the house, but all 
his ties therewith were sundered. His master had parted with 
him as he would dispose of an ox or a plough. 

The reason of this complete separation is found in the view 
taken of the slave by the law. Before the Roman law a slave was 
a thing. Expressly did the law declare that a slave was not a 
person ;• and with that logical rigour, and legal consistency for 
which the Roman law is celebrated, it carried this first falsehood 
(vpo/Tov Nj/6t/Xof ) into all its determinations bearing on the condition 
of slaves. ITius being a thing and not a person, a dave could 
have no rights, and, as having no rights, he could hold no property. 
Instead of holding property, the slave was property, and as oeing 
property, so whatever gathered around him, wife, children, wealth, 
was not his but his master's. Special care was taken by the 
Romans to reduce slaved into the condition of things. This 
solicitude is seen in two of their^ slave laws. If a slave belonged 
to two masters, and if one of the masters renounced his claim, the 

« * Quia noUnm caput habet.*— /n#rtV., 1. xvi. c 4. 

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1853.] Slavery and the Old Testament. 137 

slave did not so far recover his liberty, but became, like any mere 
thinff, the exclusive property of the other.^ If a Roman citizen, 
overloaded with debte, and crushed by usury, was in consequence 
claimed as their slave by several creditors, the law regarding the 
£dlen man as a piece of land, or any other divisible thing, com- 
manded in express terms, *let them divide him^^ and with a 
refinement in cruelty, which would have delighted the greedy 
heart of the Jew of Venice, decreed that no reprisal should be 
taken, whether more or less shotdd in the division be cut away. 
In the execution of the law, not improbably the debtor was sold, 
and the sum he fetched was divided among the claimants. Not the 
less on that account was the citizen become a slave, regarded and 
treated as a chattel. As a thing belon^g to his master, the 
Roman slave could be sold, could be given away, could be hired 
out, could be put in pledge, could be seized for debt ; could be 
applied to any purpose, could be turned to any account ; could 
be punished, could be incarcerated, could be put to death. On 
the other hand, as a thing can have no social or legal position, so 
the Roman slave was known to the law only as an adjunct to his 
master, like his dog, his cloak, his chariot. Consequently for the 
slave marriage had no existence, and the names wife and husband, 
in themselves mere accommodations, denoted nothing more than 
cohalntation, tolerated or encouraged for the sole profit of the 
master. As there was no marriage, so there was no fornication, 
and a tie which the master allowed for his own purposes, the master 
might violate to gratify his own passions. With no marriage 
there could be no paternity, and the names fether and mother were 
mere names. Indeed, before the law the slave was as if dead,' and 
as dead he could lay no information, mve no testimony, receive no 
legacy, nor perform any legal act whatever. But here tyranny 
for its own purposes was compelled to be inconsistent. Occasions 
there were when a slave's evidence was wanted with a view to his 
master's crimination. Then to his words, which in themselves 
were worthless, a value was ^ven by the torture to which he was 
subjected, in order to extort from him a criminatory confession. 
But how did injustice riot here 1 The slave was put to the torture 
not as a witness, but as an accomplice. H the charge broke down, 
reparation was made not to the simerer, but to his owner ; and, if 
the sufferer died of the cruelties he was subjected to, twice his 
▼alue was paid to his master ; so regardful was the law of pro- 
perty, so regardless was it of persons. 

<* Paal, Sentent., iv. 1, and Ulp., i. 18. Compare Dosith. Fra^. 10. 

* ' Secare si vellent atque partiri corpus addicti sibi hominis permiserant.' 

Aulas GeUius, Nod, Attic, xx. 1. 

*Si . plus . minusve . secuerunt . se . frauds . esto.'— Ibid. 
' Senritos morti adsimilatur.— L. 59 D. xxxv. 1. {^ ] 

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138 Slavery and the Old Testament. [April, 

But while the Roman slave had no rights, he was by no means 
free from duties. Regarded as a thing to his own disadvantage, 
he was, for his master s pleasure and ^ofit, regarded as a sort of 
man. Was he not an animated bemg ? did he not possess the 
faculty of speech ? was he not capable of improvement ? O yes, 
far more valuable was he than a chattel, or even a beast of burden. 
A thing ? yes, he was for himself a thing ; but for his own^, he 
was an active, intelligent, skilful being. And as power brings 
obligation, so the slave was bound to devote all his faculties to his 
master's service. Accordingly, he will think or not think, as his 
master pleases ; he will speak when his master commands, and he 
will toil as hajpd and as long as his master directs. Summum 
ju8y summa injuria. Here where the law reaches its nicest dis- 
tinction, does the grossness of its injustice come into relief. This 
slave is a thing, or he is not a thing. This slave is an intelligent 
being, or he is not an intelligent being. Make your option. 
You cannot have both members of the alternative. You cannot 
leap from one to the other, as may suit your logical convaiience. 
K the slave is a thing for himself, he is a thing for you. If the 
slave is intelligent for you, and moral for you, he is intelligent and 
moral for him^slf. K he has duties, he has also rights. 

The Roman citizen, however, found the slave a very useful 
thing. In the earlier and less corrupt periods of Roman history, 
free labour discharged a large share of the duties of private and 
social life, and even eminent citizens and renowned patriots 
thought it no degradation to perform offices which are commonly 
called humble. JSut as conquest brought dominion, and dominion 
led to wealth, and wealth introduced luxury and corruption, so by 
degrees slavery grew and spread, insinuating itself like a deadly 
poison into all the veins, and infecting and debilitating the nerves 
and sinews of the Republic, until, under the Imperial rule, the 
malady reached its height, and but for the streams of new life 
supplied by the Gospd, would very speedily have brought the 
Roman state and people to a painful, miserable, and disgraceful 
end. At the time of our Lord's advent, slavery pervaded the 
entire body politic of the Roman empire. Never Wore, never 
since, did ^very so embrace and permeate any social condition. 
The brand was upon every limb. The canker was at the heart 
Then slavery was tried and judged. If slavery is a good Uiing, 
then must its goodness have been felt and seen. If slavery is an 
essential condition of social culture, then must social culture have 
reached its height. K slavery guarantees female delicacy and 
refinement, the Roman matrons and the Roman daughters must 
have been paragons. If the behests of revealed religion are 
obeyed, honoured, and promoted in slavery, then in imperial Rome 
must the Gospel have had and have recognized one of its most 

Digitized by VJV7V./V IV. 



1853.] Sl<mry and the Old Testament 139 

signal triumphs. The reverse of all these suppositions is true. The 
age of Tibenus, Caligula, and Nero, is an age first to be ashamed of, 
aod then to be wept over. Such is the di^race, and such the pity, 
that one may well wish it blotted out of the annals of the world. 
Yet very largely was that age what slavery made it. We will 
endeavour to form some — it must be a very defective and very 
fidnt — ^picture of Roman slavery as it prevailed in social and 
domestic life at the advent of Christ. 

It would give only an imperfect idea of the extent and preva- 
lence of Roman slavery to say that all the oflSces now discharged 
by free labourers were, under that system, performed by slaves, 
for fiEictitious wants and dissolute luxu!*y had multiplied servile 
duties, and called into operation a number of slaves, which in these 
days seems almost mcredible ; equallv did the overflowing streams 
of opulence which came into Italy vrom all countries, and refine- 
ments in gratification, which were almost as endless as many of 
them were unnatural, necessitate and produce a minute subdivision 
of labour, such as has never had its parallel. The consequence 
was that slaves were everywhere. No matter at what point you 
enter Roman society, you are sure to meet with slaves. No matter 
whither you go, when within that artificial world, ever do you find 
slaves crowding on your sight. Stop, if you will, at the gate of 
that statelv mansion, and, bv the power of that imagination which 
opens all doors and throws down all barriers, enter a palace, where 
Augustus himself might not disdain to dwell. The door you find 
in the custody of a slave. Admitted within, you are received by a 
slave in the hall. He transmits you to another slave, by whom 
you are introduced into a saloon. From this reception-room you 
are ushered into a private apartment by a slave. There you find 
the master of the establishment attended by a retinue of slaves. 
At his command a slave conducts you to your chamber ; another 
slave aids you to take the refreshment of the bath ; a third assists 
you at your toilet ; and by a fourth are you led back to the pre- 
sence' of your host. After a slight repast, prepared and served l;>y 
slaves, you accompany your entertainer in a drive through the 
city, ^aves make ready the chariot, slaves crowd around you as 
you quit the house ; benMre you and behhid you, as you proceed 
along, slaves, in great numbers and rich attire, attend your steps, 
and make the passage of one Roman grandee a splendid proces- 
fflon. As you pass mong, every object you behold is a memento of 
slavery. The tradesmen are all slaves. K you stop to purchase 
an article of dress, the garment, whatever it may be, is a product 
of servile hands. If enticed by gorgeous Eastern dies, or by Gre- 
cian style and elegance, or by Asiatic richness, you resolve to carry 
back a present to the lady of the mansion, you deal in merchandize 
which was originally produced by slaves, which has been brought 

Digitized by ^^JKJKJWIK^ 



140 Slavery and the Old Testament* [April, 

from afar by slaves, which slaves have purchased in Rome, which 
slaves now sell to you, which slaves will convey to your residence, 
and which slaves will offer to the acceptance of your hostess. 
Your business ended, you think of pleasure, and resolve to visit 
the CSrcus. Thither are myriads crowding, young and old, and of 
both sexes. Ten thousand slaves ^ are to fight in the arena. For 
many days will the contest last. If you inquire whence they are 
obtained, the answer is, *• In war ;' they are captives reserved by 
the conqueror to be the sport of the Koman populace. You turn 
away in disgust, and will not enter. Praiseworthy is such humanity, 
for there would you have to witness the most shocking scenes : 
men matched against ra^ng beasts ; men matched against men in 
every variety of conflict, until mutual slaughter has covered the 
arena with blood and gore, with the dying and the dead ; when, 
disguised as divinities, two executioners enter, of whom one ascer- 
tains, by -a burning iron, in which of the poor wretches life yet 
lingers, and the other despatches them in succession with a blow 
from his heavy mace.*» What is that edifice not far from the Am- 
phitheatre ? It is a training school. There men are made into 
gladiators, and fattened for the public slaughter-house. There are 
several in Rome ; and in every considerable city of the empire^ 
Jerusalem, * the city of God,' not excepted, are there not only 
stalls, but a Qrcus, where human beings, reduced to slavery, are 
first prepared for butchery, and then butchered. But let us hasten 
back. 

Those are the children of your entertainer. By a slave's hands 
were they received into existence ; in a slave's arms were they 
nursed ; from a slave's bosom they drew their aliment ; slaves were 
their playmates, or, rather, their sport ; their teachers are slaves ; 
their mother is now under the care of a medical man, who is a 

« Such was the number sent thither by Trajan. — Dion.» Ixviii. 15. 
^ ' I see before me the Gladiator lie : 

He leans upon his hand — his manly brow 
Consents to death, but conqoers agony» 
And his droop'd head sinks graduaUy low — 
And through his side the last drops, ebbing slow 
From the red gash, fall heavy, one by one; 
Like the first of a thunder shower ^ and now 
The arena swims around him — he is gone 
Ere ceased the inhuman shout which hail'd the wretch who won. 
* He heard It, but he heeded not — his eyes 
Were with his heart, and that was fiir away : 
He reck'd not of the life he lost, nor prize : 
But where his rude hut by the Danube lay, 
There were his younp barbarians all at play, 
There was their Dacian mother — he, their sire 
Butcher'd to make a Roman holiday — 
All this rush'd with his blood : — Shall he expire, 
And unavenged ? Arise, ye Goths ! and glut your ire.' 

Bybon, Childe Harold, Canto IV., cxl., cxli. 

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1853.] Slavery and the Old Tedament. 141 

slaye ; and that elegant attire, and those roseate hues,* in which 
she is about to appear at the dinner-table, she owes to the hands 
of slaves. She, as well as her husband, has a slave for her lacquey, 
a slave for her secretary, a slave for her maid ; and, wishing to be 
accounted literary and moral, as well as brilliant, she has, at great 
cost, piu*chased as slaves a philosopher and a wit, who coin jokes 
on her account, make poems, which she recites, and compose 
treatises, which she patronizes. You wonder that so fine a lady 
should consent to shine in borrowed colours : then know that ori- 
ginally she and her lordly spouse are themselves slaves by birth, 
that mey both passed their early days in slavery, and that, by a 
traffic in slaves, they have risen to this social altitude, in which 
they slavishly imitate the manners and sumptuousness of the best 
Roman famines. 

You have dined, and now ask — ^Who were those musicians ? who 
those singers? who those bearers of perfume? They were all 
slaves ; and slaves too were those yoimg girls that bore the chap- 
lets ; and that buffoon, and that dwarf, at whose expense the com- 
pany made so merry. Whither did you ask that slave, who in 
serving stumbled and fell, was carried ? He was hurried to the 
domestic prison, for this mansion has a prison, and every house 
has a prison, where are kept, and punished by slaves' hands, slaves 
who have displeased their owners. The prison is underground, and 
has little light, and bad air. Similar places of punishment, some on 
a large scale, are found in every part of the land. Such is city 
slavery. The number of its victims it is not easy to ascertain. 
Attica is said to have numbered 400,000 slaves ; the city of Corinth 
alone had 460,000 slaves ; and in the single island of JEgina, were 
470,000 slaves. In speaking of the number of slaves in Home, 
ancient authors*' employ the terms * regiments' (cohorts) and 
* legions.' " Vettius, an ordinary Roman knight, deeply in debt, 

i Anteros, Lmce Colorator ; Gori, Colambarinm, No. 84. 
^ Martial, Sat, 1, 3, 11 ; Juvenal, xiv. 315; Pliny, xxxiii. 6, 9, 10. 
*" Slaves, it has been compnted, formed one half of the population of Rome. 
According to Hock {R&mische Geschichte^ vol. i. part 2, p. 390) the following -was 
the proportion between the firee and the slave population of Rome : — 

Senators and knights • . • • . 10,000 souls. 

Their slaves 100,000 

Foreigners 50,000 

Their slaves . . . • • . . 100,000 

Soldiers 15,000 

Their slaves 15,000 

Plebeians 1,250,000 

Their slaves 625,000 

Public or state Slaves 100,000 

2,265,000 
Of whom 940,000 were slaves. 

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142 Slavery <md the Old Testament. [Aiwril, 

armed out of his household 400 slaves for a revolt A Soman 
lady, by name Lepida, was punished because her herds of ill-dis- 
ciplined slaves in Calabria disturbed the peace of Italy. Four hun- 
dred slaves, belonging to Pedanius Secundus, were put to death on 
suspicion of being concerned in their master'^ assassination. Cra&- 
sus kept 500 slaves in order to traffic in their offspring. While 
the rich and the great possessed large bands of slaves in their dty 
abodes and on their farms, scarcely was any one so poor or so low 
as not to have one slave or more, and daves themselves were pro- 

Erietors of inferior slaves. The whole slave-population made up a 
uge aggregate, which stood in fearfiil proportion to the number 
of free citizens. The philosopher Seneca, a contemporary of the 
Apostle Paul, relates that, when on one occasion it was proposed 
in the Roman Senate to give a distinctive dress to the slaves, an 
adverse decision was come to, on the ground that it would be very 
dangerous to give the slaves the means of counting the freemen.** 

'Die condition of slaves in the Roman empire was not worse than 
the ordinary condition of slaves. A slave, as a piece of property, 
was to a Roman a thing of value, which he would make use of 

Erudently and carefiilly, as he would employ a plough or work a 
orse. The least amount of food and clotning compatible with the 
utmost amount of labour was the rule and the guide of his conduct 
But slavery in itself is so unnatural, so perverting, so degrading a 
usage, that it can never fail, as in Rome it did not fail, to entail 
the very worst evils on both the possessed and the possessor. Man 
is not a being to be entrusted with unlimited power. Cupidity, 
passion, and caprice, the lowest desires and the most brutal lust, 
gain the upper hand, and bear sway wherever slavery prevails. 
The good man would shrink from encountering its t^ptations, 
and the bad man is imfit to be trusted with its fearful obogationB. 
The condition of Roman slaves, though it had little of an unusual 
kind, was deplorably bad. This is the description of it put into 
the mouth of one of his characters by Plautus ^ — ' Blows are con- 
stantly falling on my shoulders ; the whip is always at work ; I am 
sent into the country to slave for the &mily there; when my 
master sups abroad, I have to carry a torch before him ; by my 
labours I have earned a right to freedom, and I am growing grey 
in slavery.' Yes, and thou must die a slave, for the very thought 
of flight has fettered thee to the spot. A frigitive slave, said the 
Roman law, is a slave who has had an idea of running away. 
Thus defining the crime of trying to gain freedom, the Bcmian law 
punished the thought, in order the more effectually to prevent the 
act. Behold that heavy chain on the leg; mark that massive 

■ Senec, De Clemen., i. 24. *» Plaut., Captiv., 2, 1, 133. 

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1853.] Skmerjf and the Old Testament 143 

cc^Uar around the neck ; see the brand on the forehead ; and survey 
that darky narrow, and foul place of detention. And if, in spite of 
these precautions, the unhappy man makes his escape, a hue and 
cry wul be raised, placards or advertisements will be issued, and 
catchpoles will be sent to run him down, while woe to those by 
whom he is harboured or aided on his way. 

To form an idea of what Roman slavery was, you must bear 
in mind that it entered, as an ancillary element, in all the 
prodigality and vice of Roman voluptuousness. But this is a 
topic only the skirts of which can be touched. Terrible is the 
picture painted by Seneca of the grossness of those guilty pleasures 
and the foulness of those bestial lusts in which the Roman 
nobles made iheir slaves the instruments. Think of a Roman 
senator I" killing one of his slaves in cH'der to afford to a guest 
who had never witnessed the sight, the gratification of seeing 
a man put to death. Call to mind that Follio, a friend of the 
Emperor Augustus, furnished his fish-pond with food in the 
carcases of slaves whom he slew {or the purpose. Look at that 
used-up noWe rake, whom Seneca has described in colours too 
dark and too disgusting to be borrowed : ^ though without appetite, 
he reclines on his downy couch, at that luxuriously furnished table, 
trying to cheat his stomach into the pleasures of the palate, in the 
midst of guests, who, like himself, would give half their fortune for 
a new pleasure. As the banquet proce^, what revolting offices 
have the slaves in attendance to pertorm ; and when it is over, they 
have to endure a still deeper degradation, for intoxication ends in 
the foulest impudicity.' And all these indignities, down to the very 
lowest that a human being can be subject to, the slaves have pas- 
sivdy to endure — ^without a murmur ; nay, an involuntary cough, 
or the slightest noise, is punished by the scourge. 

Well may Cato have declared, * Our slaves are our enemies.' 
A current proverb, too, asserted, * As many slaves, so many foes.' 
Of the fact take Seneca's words as an illustration" — 'Recall the 
examples of those masters who have perished in domestic snares, 
either by treachery or force, and you will learn that the vengeance 
of slaves numbers not fewer victims than that of tyrants.' * Yes, 
slaves are enemies within the house, and therefore the most dan- 
gerous of enemies. At Rome they had for their weapons, in times 
of social trouble, treason ; impeachment in times of tyranny ; and 
in ordinary times, poison, and the dagger. The state of feeling 
among the masters is seen in the words which C. Cassius, in the 
days of Nero, addressed to the Senate, on the massacre of the 

p Q. Flaminiiis ; Plutarch, see his Life by Bodin» p. 38. "^ Letter 67. 

•" * In cabicnlo vir, in convivio pner est/ — Senec, ibid, 

* Senec., Epist 47. * Senec., Epist., iv. 6. 

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144 Slaver}/ and the Old Testament. [April, 

400 slaves of Pedanius, already alluded to, found guilty of being 
under the same roof as their murdered owner. On beholding so 
many innocent victims dragged to execution, the crowd was moved 
to pity, and assumed a threatening attitude. The sympathy found 
a voice even before the Senate, in these terms — * Our ancestors 
distrusted slaves, even when they were born on the same land or 
in the same house, and when, together with their life, they received 
the love of their masters. But since we have introducai into our 
families foreign slaves, with their diverse usages, their outlandish 
superstitions, their incredulity, there is nothing but fear that can 
keep under control that impure herd.' " 

Slavery was a peril not only in the family but also to the state. 
As early as the year 499 before Christ the Roman slaves formed a 
plot to seize the Capitol and set the city on fire. The design was 
discovered, and the accomplices were crucified. Not the less was 
another conspiracy formed the next year in union with the common 
people, who had found that the expulsion of the kings was not the 
expulsion of tyranny. The attempt failed, and the leaders were 
put to death. A little after, a rising of the slaves, supported by 
the aid of exiles, is so far successful that the citadel is seized, and 
one of the consuls is killed. In the year 416 another conspiracy 
broke out in Rome, which had widely spread ramifications m the 
rural districts. The intention was to bum the city and to massacre 
the masters. In the Punic wars and the victories of Hannibal the 
slaves attempted to profit by the necessities and weakness of their 
owners. Indeed, they ever watched their opportunity, and as their 
numbers increased, their temptations as well as their chances became 
greater. At length the flame burst forth. A civil insurrection in 
Sicily having ^ned a momentary success, the torch was kindled 
at Rome, in Greece, and in the great slave-mart, the island of 
Delos. Taken in detail, the rising was speedily suppressed else- 
where, but in Sicily the resistance was long, obstinate, and bloody. 
Fresh movements, however, took place in Italy. Three hundred 
slaves conspire at Nuceria ; two hundred at Capua. Then followed 
an attempt, at the head of which was Vettius, a Roman knight 
Gathering around him four thousand men, he defeated the Roman 
general Lucullus. Scarcely had this undertaking been put down 
when there broke out what in Roman history is called the Second 
Servile War, in which 'the eternal city' triumphed only after 
most costly efibrts. Treachery was brought to the aid of prowess. 
The consul Aquilius had removed every obstacle except a thousand 
brave men. Them he induced to submit by promising to spare 
their lives. When stript of their arms, they learned that, as slaves, 

" Tacit., Ann., xiv. 42-44. 

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1853.] Slavery and the Old Testament, 145 

they were to be sent to Rome to fight in the gladiatorial games. 
Indignant at the deceit, and resolved not to endure the infamy, 
they all slew each other ; their chief, Satyrus, presided over the 
sanguinary rites, and then caused himself to be slain by a slave, 
who immediately after put himself to death. How can there fail 
to be danger when slavery has in its ranks such heroes ? Slavery, 
indeed, was the chief cause of the destruction of the Roman Re- 
public and of the downfall of the Roman Empire. Was it possible 
^t all those slaves which were drawn from the numerous depen- 
dencies of Rome, including the stoutest, the bravest, and the most 
skilful nations on the earth, should not, in their reflex action on 
their native lands, make the Roman name universally hateful, 
enkindle a deep and ever augmenting thirst for revenge, and pre- 
pare the way for the great day of retribution, when the rude 
strength of the North should rush on the effeminate and effete 
luxury of the South, and trample it down in irretrievable ruin ? 
But within Italy, and within signt of Italy, slavery grew more and 
more perilous and baneful. In vain the laws forbad slaves to carry 
arms. In vain the laws were strained to punish infr-actions or 
apparent infractions.^ Bands of fugitive slaves kept up a constant 
warfro^ in the heart of Italy. Outbreaks continually took place. 
At length Spartacus, placing himself at the head of a troop of 
revolted gladiators, whom he raised into an army of 70,000 men, 
sustained against all the resources of Rome a war of three years, 
and was not subdued until he had several times defeated the best 
troops and the highest functionaries of the Republic. After having 
occasioned the servile wars, slavery supplied abundant fuel to the 
civil wars of Rome ; and, combining with ambition to pave the 
way for despotism, it combined with despotism to destroy every 
verage of liberty, to undermine the stren^h of the state, and, first 
giving the empire as a prize to rival factions, at last left it a prey 
to rutiiless barbarians. 

Then, in the breaking up of that vast social system, and in 
the complicated misery by which the catastrophe was preceded, 
attended, and followed, was seen, alas ! too clearly, how ruinous a 
thing slavery is, and how certain and how dreadful are the Divine 
retributions. That lesson ought to have sufficed for all future 
ages. But men are slow to learn ; and painful is the possibility 
that the United States of America must first suffer from internal 
convulsions, and servile, if not also civil wars, ere they are brought 
to abolish davery.y O. P. 

" A slave, uDder the law of Domitius, was pat to death because he had employed 
a spear to destroy an enormous boar which ravaged the country. Cicero, lu 
Verrem, Ix. v. 3. 

7 Another article, showing the rebition of Slavery to Christianity (or the New 
Testament), wiU complete this subject. 



VOL. IV. — NO. VII. 

Digitized by 



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140 Baikal (Mti&im. [April, 



BIBLICAL CRITICISM. 

A Treathe on Biblical Critidem^ exhibiting a sffstematic View of 
that Science. By Samuel Davidson, D.D. of the Univeraity 
of Halle, and LL.D. 2 vols. Edinburgli : Adam and Chaiies 

• Black. Longman and Co., London. lo5^. 

When a document profesfeing to be testamentary k put into the 
hands of a skilful lawyer, he subjects it to a narrow scrutiny before 
he will admit its genuineness. He looks to the dates, to the paper* 
mark, if there is any, and to the colour of the ink ; he searches for 
erasures and interlineations ; he examines the signatures of the 
testator and of the witnesses. In short, he lets nothing escape 
which might indicate fraud or surreptitiousness ; and in the exer- 
dse of this suspicion, acts in accordance with his duty, and without 
the necessary possession of any bad feeling or undue scepticism. 
On the Iruthfulness of the document may depend the interests of 
some of his fellow-men ; and in order to put that truth on a firm 
basis, he must show the non-existence of mlsehood. 

But, supposing the document in question is found not to be the 
actual will which the testator executed, but purports to be only a 
copy, the case then becomes much more intricate and difficult, 
although yet capable of a satis&ctory adjustment Witnesses will 
then have to be examined ; and in the absence of more complete, 
or rather more tangible, proof, moral probabilities will be con- 
sidered. These, when taken together and candidly weighed, will 
probably produce a conviction, that although the autograph has 

?^rishea, the copy exactly represents the will of the deceased, 
here may be a verbal omission here and there, or a word may be 
misspelt, or some useless repetition may exist, all of which may 
intimate the hand of a copyist ; but these accidental circumstances 
will not be construed into pmofe of fraud, but will be rather taken 
as indicating that the document is a copy of some other deed, and 
not a forgery. ' Gentlemeti)' a ideader might say to a jury aboitl 
to decide on such a case, ' we admit that uie original will is not 
to be found, indeed we concede that it is destroyed, but we can 
sufficiently account for its having perished. We produce what 
|)rofe8ses to be a copy, and we prove it to be so by many credible 
witnesses. All the circumstances of the case add weight to the 
evidence ; and, when duly considered, amount to a moral proof 
that the writing in question represents the desires of the testator. 
Little discrepancies will be shown to you, but they are aU naturally 
accounted for by the process of transcription, and their exisleno6 
only confirms the authority of the copy.' 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



1853.] BiUieal Oritidm. 147 

Such, mutatia nmUmdis^ is, m part, the xiature of tha argument 
with which Biblical criticism is virtuallY concenied, and the t^aring^ 
of which are treated of and illustratea in the two large and beauti- 
fully printed volumes before us. It may be thought by some that 
such a task is superfluous ; that the int^ity of the Bible is suffi* 
dently admitted ; and that it is useless, if not dangerous, to disturb 
a satisfied fisuth by the suggestion of difliculties. But if it is unsafe 
to presume on the genuineness of a document which only concerns 
the disposal or transference of temporal possessions, it cannot 
surely be right to take for granted the claims, or to neglect ^e 
textual oomi)l6teness, of sucn writings as the Scriptures, which 
have to do with the highest and immortal interests of men. Faith 
in their sublime and all-important statements will be strong and 
effectiye in proportion as it is based upon conviction-^upon a ra- 
tional deduction from premisses that we have in our baiids sub* 
stantially the same wntings which holy men of old, moved by th^ 
Holy Ghost, committed to the frail though adequate guardiitnship 
of paper and ink. 

But if we diould admit that sincere and plain Christians need 
not concern themselves about various readings, historic proofe, or 
the nature of probable evidence, there is the large class of unbe* 
lievers and opponents who must be combated with weapons similar 
to their own, if the citadel of truth is not to be surrendered tamely 
into their hands. Se that believeth heath the witness in himself^ ^t 
is true ; and happy is the man whose whole moral consciousness 
tells him that the Bible is of God, because it has wrought in him 
flodlike efiectsi There were undoubtedly simple minds in the 
days of the Apostle St Paul which received his epistles without 
any question, from the harmony of their doctrinal and practical 
utterances with the voice within, but all were not of that cnaracter. 
Some even then questioned the genuineness of his letters, and 
others endeavoured to palm upon the believers documents pur* 
portinc- to be his, when they were not so in reality. On this ac- 
count St Paul gave a sign by which his epistles could be discerned 
from spurious ones : — * TTie salvMion of Foul with mine own 
hand, which is the token in every epiMe ; so I write.' * In this re* 
markable passage the whole principle is conceded on which Biblical 
criticism is built-- the possihlity of mistake or fraud, of surrepti- 
tiousness or interpolation, and the necessity of guarding agamst 
them. 

We cannot conceal from our readers the conviction we feel that 
in too many cases, indifference about the evidence for the correct* 
ness of the text of Holy Writ, arises from indifference as to the 



• 2 Thess. iii. 17. Compare chap. ii. 2. 

L 2 



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148 Biblical Criticism. [April, 

truth itself which it conveys. Men take up with a conventional 
orthodoxy which it is not convenient for them to have disturbed. 
To carry about with them a *hook which contains their creed, thdr 
religious phrases, the texts of their favourite teachers, every letter 
of which is divine, is a most convenient mode of decidiuj? contro- 
versies, and keeping them in undisturbed possession of all their 
long-cherished prejudices. The man who only admits the validity 
of adult baptism, and is at the same time disposed to be bigoted, 
does not like a science which teaches him that the proof text in 
Acts viii. 37, * If thou believest mth all thy heart vwu mayest,' 
is probably spurious ; nor does the ignorant advocate of the doc- 
trine of the Trinity feel disposed to favour that which robs him of 
the disputed clause in the 5th chapter of the First Epistle of St 
John. Men are anxious about the terms of a will, because on 
them depend whether they shall gain or lose the bequests which 
they involve : so they ought to be concerned respecting the exact- 
ness of the records on which depend the treasures of eternal life. 
The correctness of wording in a legal document is admitted by 
them to be important, because a will is not interpreted in the 
gross, but by the explicitness of individual terms and expressions ; 
but they have reversed this order in connection with their use of 
the Scriptures. Having the whole, they are incUfferent to the 
evidence for the truth of the different and component parts. We 
speak now oisome not all those who decry Biblical criticism. Many 
who do so are as sincerely though ignorantly anxious for the truA 
as any of the most devoted critics can be ; but we are sure that 
others are more concerned for their own Shibboleth and the stability 
of their own system. 

It is admitted on all hands that the autographs of the sacred 
writers cannot be called on as evidence, and are as useless in the 
settlement of Biblical questions as though their destruction could 
be demonstrated. We believe they have disappeared from the 
world by aome of the thousand possible accidents to which they 
were subjected during the eventful ages of their early existence. 
We have no expectation that it will ever again be said m reference 
to the Book of the Law written by Moses, as was once done by 
Hilkiah, * I have found the Book of the Law ;' ^ nor do we enta*- 
tain a hope that from some obscure recess in a neglected library, 
the world will be startled by the appearance of the handwriting of 
St. Paul or St. John. We may admit the possibility of such a dis- 
covery, but that is all ; and, for practical purposes, we treat those 
precious documents as for ever fled from human gaze. All we now 

*» 2 Chron. xxxiv. 15. We now take for granted one hypothesis respecting this 
interesting passage. 

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1853.] Biblical Criticism. 149 

have are but copies of still older copies of those autographs, the 
youngest of which would now be nearly eighteen hundred years 
old, and the eldest more than three thousand. 

On this salient fact, that the actual writings of inspired men are 
practically non-existent, Divine Providence bids us bmld the system 
of Biblical criticism ; and from that fact proceeds, step by step, the 
science which Dr. Davidson treats of in his carefully digested 
volumes. He properly states, in the introduction to the first 
volume, that the first duty in relation to the Bible * is to direct 
attention to the true and proper reading of the original. The 
words first written ought to be sought out, and [if possible] dis- 
covered. We must judge, in the first place, whether an alteration 
has been made in a passage. The correctness or incorrectness of 
a text must be considered. If it have undergone change, the 
nature of the change should be examined, and the reading or 
readings restored, into whose place others have intruded. After 
this we may proceed with confidence to interpret the text. Criti- 
cism is followed by interpretation.' 

Dr. Davidson does not, at least formally, ascend quite so hi^h 
as we have done, in his estimate of the proper province of the 
criticism of the Holy Scriptures. He would confine it to the cor- 
rection of the text by existing materials, without entering on the 
question as to the relation which those materials bear to the ori- 
mnal autographs. This subject is fully and adequately discussed 
by him in his valuable Introduction to the New Testament, and is 

Sinerally treated of as the genuineness and authenticity of the 
oly Scriptures. But if Biblical criticism is the examination of 
the text of the Bible, surely the science should embrace the proofe 
that that text is substantially the same as that first given forth by 
the sacred writers. It is true that the whole system is intended to 
ascertain, as nearly as possible, what those holy men wrote ; and 
therefore, mrtuallt/, the question of the relation of the oldest mss. 
and vendons to the original documents is included in it ; but still 
no prominence is given to this topic, which we venture to think is 
the first to be considered in a complete scheme of Biblical criticism. 
The primal records are not to be found, and yet we have in our 
hands certain books which claim to be copies of them. Let evi- 
d^ice be first furnished of the feict that the oldest existing mss. 
and various do contain substantially, and in the midst of some 
variations, the inspired records, and then the way is clear for the 
adjustment of discrepancies, and the establishment, as far as pos*- 
sible, of a correct text We suggest this as oiur own subjective 
idea of what is wanting in the important inquiry as to what Holy 
Scripture is. Let us have a comfortable, because rational, con- 
viction that God's truth resides in existing mss. and translations, 

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160 Biblical Oritieisin. [April, 

and we may calmly proceed to polish and restore that whidi time 
has, in some minor portions, obscured or defaced. 

But we feel tliis is only a question as to what constitutes a lueidus 
ordo in the mode of treating an important subject. Dr. Dayidson 
enters at once on the consideration of the materials with which a 
critic has to work in the delicate and responsiUe task of restoring 
the Scriptures to their original purity. These are classed as fol- 
lows, for the Old Testament : — Ancient versions, parallels or re- 
peated passages, quotations, manuscripts, critical conjecture. For 
the New Testament, the same sources of criticism are mentioned, 
e:!^cept parallels, which are omitted, although it is difficult to see 
to what grounds. Surely various readings are furnished by parallel 
passages in the Gospels as much as by those found in the Kings 
and Chronicles. The ancient versions are placed first, because 
they contain the oldest existing representations of the original 
documents ; and this is perhaps the most convenient arrangement, 
although it would be more scientific to take the manuscripts 
first, as having the closest relation to those autographs. It is in 
the manuscripts, both of the Old and New Testaments, that we 
find what all admit to be the lineal descendants, so to speak, of 
the venerable documents in which the truth was first depoated ; 
and it is their correction and improvement that the science of oriti- 
dsm contemplates. No one thinks that a version is nearer to the 
original writings than any ancient manuscript, however faulty, 
unless indeed we admit the occasional hallucination of some teamed 
genius who may think that the Septua^nt text is nearer the miiid 
of the Spirit than the Hebrew, or that the Greek of the New Testa- 
ment is a translation from the Latin. 

The first volume is occupied with the Old Testament, and is 
certainly as fiili an account of all the apparatus required by the 
CTitic as can well be wished for by the most <iUligent student One 
hundred and sixty pages are devoted to a notice of the nature of 
the Hebrew language, and the history of its vowels, the Jei^risli 
divisions of the text, and the history of the text, both manuscript 
and printed. The Samaritan copy of the Pentateuch is particu- 
larly examined in this portion. At the dose of his notice of printed 
Hebrew Fibles, Dr. Davidson calls attention to one of the pressing- 
wants of our age in relation to Biblical learning : we mean a 
critical edition of the Hebrew Scriptures. This subject was brought 
under the notice of our readers in an early Tolume of the Journal ,•* 
and it is eamestiy to be wished that some movement were made m 
this direction. The grand impediment, we believe, is a commCTciai 
one. It is feated such a work would not pay, and ihereibre no 

« ^ggeetions ifbr a Critical ^Bdt^oti of tli« Hebrew Bibte. V<A. !K, p, 15i. 

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1853.] Biblieal Oritieim. IH 

boolueUer would undertake it p but we will ffive what Dr^ D^vidsQQ 
says on the subject, with the earnest hope that his wishes could be 
realised :' — 

* A critical edition of the Old Testament, like tkose of Griesbach, 
Scholz, Laehmann, and Tischendorf, in the New, hM not been at- 
teioptei). Contributio9« hav^ been nmde towards it, but they have not 
been all applied to the acco^iplishment of the work, A revised text, 
founded on mss., versions, and qyptations, has not been published * 
There h no doubt that such text is wa4ited. It is far ipore necies^ry 
in the Old Testament than in the New, for the tei^t of tJie latter is in a 
much better state than that of the former. It was so even before the 
labours of Griesbach constituted a new epoch in the history of the 
latter. Doubtless the mss. of the Hebrew Scriptures now existing are 
much younger than those of the Greek Testament, and in a much n>ore 
uniform state as regards their text. Doubtless there are corruptions 
which none of the ancient authorities would avail to remove. The ma- 
terials for emendation are fewer and less important than those of the 
New Testament ; but these and other drawbaci&s should not deter a 
right-hearted critic from undertaking the preparation of a good critical 
edition out of such sources as are available. The text should by all 
means be brought as near to its original state as all existing means for 
its restoration will fairly warrant and allow. It ought to be purified. 
It is high time that it should be so. A good stock of various reading^ 
has been accumulated for this purpose. Jews will not do what is 
needed. The Masorah restrains them. They have too much attach- 
ment to the Masoretic text ; but Christian critics need have no such 
excessive reverence for the Masoretic doctors. Why then does not one 
and another attempt to supply a pressing want ? Why have so many 
scholars turned their attention to the New Testament text, and so very 
few to the Old? It b a reproach to criticism in the present day that 
this gpreat field has been neglected — a field in which there is ample room 
for many labourers. The criticism of the New Testament has been in 
its manhood for many years, that of the Old is yet in its infancy. We 
trust some well-furnishai scholar will ere long appear to take away the 
reproach, by giving to the world a new critical edition of the Hebrew 
Bible, resemtjing that of Griesbach for the New Testament. Whoever 
does so with judgment, ability, and sincerity of purpose, will deserve and 
obtain the gratitude of all who are interested in the advancement of 
Biblical knowledge."* — vol. i. p. 160. 

Anaong the v^eraicnas, the Septuagint takes the first place, ac- 
cording to its age and the authority given to it by its use by the 
writers of the New Testament. Our oonvicticHi is that the latter 
drcametasce has been overrated, and conolusionn drawn from it 
which the premisses will scarcely warrant. We are too apt to 

* The Polyglott Bible by Stier and Theile, now publisbing at Bielefeld, comes 
nearer what is wanting than anything else which has yet appeared. It jgtves the 
Tarkms readiQgs of the Heibrew» witlKMit altering the text. 



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152 Biblical Criticism, [April, 

attribute our own subjective notions to the Apostles, instead of 
endeavouring to throw ourselves into their times, and to enter into 
their mental consciousness. Certainly, if those sacred writers who 
have quoted the Septuagint entertained the same ideas of the verbal 
importance of texts of Scripture as we generally do, the conclusion 
would follow that the Septuagint is more correct than the Hebrew, 
or otherwise it would not have been quoted ; but it appears plain to 
us that the Apostles gave more importance to the suigtance of 
Scripture truth than to the letter in which it was conveyed, and 
consequently do not vouch for the literal correctness of the Septua- 
pnt because they quote it. In dealing with the Hellenist Jews, 
a reference to the Hebrew text would have been out of place, and 
ihey used the Septuagint as they found it The opinions expressed 
of this version 1^ Dr. Davidson will probably be those of most of 
his readers : — 

^ But though the Septuagint b by no means a faithful or literal ver- 
sion, its merits are considerable. They have been generally acknow- 
ledged. It helps us to see the state of the Hebrew text in Egypt, 
perhaps too in Asia Minor, at the time it was made. Much more does 
it show the sense attached to the original at an early period. Its authors 
lived nearer the time when Hebrew was a living tongue, and had 
better opportunities of knowing it. Unhappily, however, what the 
version is most wanted for — critical use— it fails very much to supply. 
It shows indeed a form of the original text, but we hesitate to adopt it, 
in most instances, as the original form, where it differs from the Maso- 
retic. Its value therefore is least where it is most required. We can 
understand the language without it, especially in the present day ; but 
it does not help towards the emendation of the text as much as is de- 
sirable. The free character of the version, and the liberties which the 
translators took with the text, are serious deductions from its critical 
importance. Its numerous errors and imperfections suggest caution in 
its application to the restoration of the original text. Since the majo- 
rity of, if not all the translators, were not fully competent for their task, 
it must be employed with discrimination. Assistance in criticism has 
doubtless been derived from it, and more will yet be rendered. We do 
not think that its internal value is commensurate with the reputation it 
has had. The extravagant praises pronounced upon it will be lessened 
by the study of its genius and character. It is very far from being a 
aoodj much less an excellent translation ; but the reading of it cannot 
be dispensed with. Its position in the criticism of the Old Testament 
is conspicuous. Its text must be studied by every one engaged in 
Biblical researches connected with the integrity of the Hebrew records. 
It will repay that study by opening up views, and suggesting ideas of 
the state in which those records were, which might not have been other- 
wise perceived. It will contribute to the restoration of the undoubted 
Hebrew originals, though it will not contribute as much as we think it 
might have done. Its value none will deny. The amount of that value 



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1853.] Biblical Criticism. 153 

may be difierently estimated. It must be taken in the best state in 
wiuch it can be obtained, and freely employed 9s a help towards the 
restoration of the authentic text' — vol. i. p. 193. 

Passing orer the Targums and the Samaritan version, we come 
to the Syriac version, which Dr. Davidson describes as, * in point 
of fideli^, the best of all the ancient versions ;' yet it receives a 
very small amount of attention, compared with the Septuagint, 
for, while the latter has above fifty pages devoted to it, the former 
has but twelve. This disproportion is not p^uliar to Dr. Davidson. 
It appears in all the wor&s on Biblical criticism hitherto published, 
and is a fact significant of the want of attention to Oriental lite- 
rature which generally prevails. As we observed just now, there 
are some special points of interest connected with the Septuagint 
which no otner version possesses, but their nature is more historical 
and theological than cntical ; and we conceive that before Biblical 
science maKCS its full growth, this disproportion in the study of its 
materials must disappear. The notice of the Vulgate version of 
the Old Testament m these volumes is twice the length of that 
of the Syriac, although the former is probably of more recent date, 
and cannot for a moment be compared with the latter in the value 
of its critical materials. 

The question of the date of the Peshito version of the Old Testa- 
ment is wra}^d in obscurity, and, for au^ht we know to the con-* 
traij, it may have been made before uie Christian era. The 
Syrians attribute to it a very high antiquity ; and Dr. Davidson, 
who rejects their opinion on this subject, yet concedes that it had 
begun to grow old in the time of Ephraem, who may have written 
his observations on its text in the middle of the fourth century. 
However, vrithout dogmatising on the subject, it must be conceded 
that the version was m existence very e€urly in the Christian era. 
Presuming that it is very inferior in antiquity to the Septuagint, it 
must yet be remembered that this disadvantage is more than com- 
pensated for by its being written in a dialect of the Hebrew, and 
that consequently the translator must have had a wonderful advan- 
tage in rendering the ancient Scriptures into his own language. 
The miserable mistakes into which the Greek translators fell, from 
their ignorance of Hebrew, are well pointed out by Dr. Davidson ; 
but no such charge can be brought against the author or authors 
of the Syriac version. It is evidentiy the work of those who knew 
both the language they transferred and that into which they 
rendered it. This alone gives the version a strong claim on the 
attention of ihe Biblical student, and makes it important that its 
I'esources should be exhausted in the emendation oi the text of the 
CNd Testament But it is not to be wondered at that this rich 
mine should be neglected^ since its existence is almost ignored in 

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1^4 Bildieal CritieknL [April, 

our sdioola of iearning. Eren Hebrew u sadly thrown into tb^ 
■hade by Greek literature in theological education ; but it has its 
professorships, and at Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin, the study 
of it is encouraged by many suitohla premiums ; but the Syriac, 
which contains immense stcM'es of treasures, many of which have 
scaroriy been opened, is left to the accidental tastes and pre- 
ferences of its self-taught disciples. 

The whole sulyect of Hebrew manuscripts is highly unsatia^ 
factory to the critic, on account of their modern date when com- 
pared with the great antiquity of the autograpba. Thousands of 
years lie between the writiuff of the Pentateudli by Moses and the 
oldest known manuscript, while the space between the times of the 
Apostles and the most antique transcript of their productions is 
measured by a few hundreds ; yet this difference is somewhat convp 
pensated for by the superstitious oare of the Jews of the records 
of their futh, even from the earliest timee^ which gives us on the 
whxAe a pleasioff conTiotion that no considerable corruption has 
taken place in them. This oonoderation gives importance to de* 
tails in Dr. Djavidson's work# which would otherwise be mere old 
wires' fisd)les and worthless anilities. Satire could not wish a 
better subject than the Jews contemplating the skin on the back 
of the living ammal, to discover whet&dr it might possibly be pure 
enough for the work of the scribe, their siqierstitioiis olia^nranees 
in dressbg it when its destination is determined upon, and their 
inane mummeries during ik^ process of writing ; but these little 
fdlies may be turned to account, and, when establishing an ancient 
and lon^-continued serupuiouaness respecting the integrity of the 
letter of the law, they are really valuable. 

But the topics snggested are too numerous to allow us to dwell 
on them, ana we must proceed to the second volume, which is de- 
Toted to the New Testament ; tjie order of diseussicm, as observed 
above, being the same as that employed upon the Old. A short, 
but full and satisfEietory la-eatise on uie nature of the New Testa* 
ment language, pneoedes the history of Uie text To this history 
about one bundml and forty pages are devoted ; and it contains 
a great mass of Inghly valuable infensnation, collected and con^ 
densed with the care which rmrk^ the whole work. On the 
subject of reoensions Dr. Davidson gives a syiM^ieis of what has 
been written by scholars of om)osuig sentiments, and, in allusion 
to the oaatempt thrown upon toe whole doctrine respecting them 
by Dr. Lee and Matthaei, thus sums im the evidence osx the sub- 
ject We give the passage entire, l)ecouse it is intrinsftcally 
▼ahiable, and aa fiirmuiii^ a good examjple 'of Ae cautious treats 
ment whi(A die writer gives to a doubtw subject 

< Wkh the laognagie of thssB scholars we do not wholly sympatbiset 

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1853.] BiNi(^ CrMeimL 15& 

We are not yet 'prepared to set aside the wbcile matter as an ingenious 
riddle. Though sereral attempts to erect recensioii syst^ns have not 
been satisfactory, we need not tiierefore look upon ail such endeavours 
as airy and unsubstantial, or as t^minating merely in fine-spun theories 
and webs of gossamer. Intricacy and obscurity must rest on the sub- 
ject. It may be difficult to disentangle classes of documents &om one 
another. Averse to subtility and minuteness, some scholars will make 
this, their natural aversion, an easy transition to the sentiment that the 
whole is futile ; bat in an undertaJdng so important as the establish- 
ment of a pure text, it fitciBtates the labour of a critic to das^fy mami- 
scripts, versions, and citations, so that he may be helped in deciding on 
the claims of a particular readkig. In the fonnation of a standard text, 
it may be of some use to lay such a foundation. Henoe we do not feel 
ourselves justified in rejecting at once the whc^e system of classification 
as visionary. With all the conjectures which have been indulged in, 
and the intricacies of the subject, it must not be rudely dismissed. It 
may be that historical facts are scarcely sufficient to furnish data ibr 
any system of recensions, properly so called. It may be that coiyectures 
have been put forth too liberally regarding revisions of the text in 
early times, and the nature of the text itself. It may be that the 
speculations of German critics have taken too wide a scope, agreeably 
to the natural tendency of the nation's mind. It is quite tme tliat 
there is a vagueness and an indefimtenese about the topic, which excite 
rather than gradfy a curiosity to know it thDiornghly. We admit that 
it IB difficult for the framers of the recension system itself to distinguish 
tlie dasi to which a particular reading belongs. The characteristics 
of the text belonging to a document may be almost equally divided into 
two classes ; or they may be indistinctly indicated, so that it is very 
difficult to discover the recension with which it should be assodated. 
The marks of its relationship may be defined so obscurely as to make 
the question of determining its appropriate class a delicate one. It is 
also heeij admitted that no one document exhibits a recension in its 
pure or primitive state, but that each form of the text is now either 
more or less corrupted. StiU, however, with all these drawbacks, the 
whole system of classfflcation need not be abaadoned as mionary. 
MeagTO as are the means withki <mr reach cf obtaining a good ac- 
quaintance with the eariy treatment of the New Testameiit text, we 
need not despair of all suooeas. No system may be historically sus- 
tained, because hisftery says litde or nothing on the subject ; and yet 
some system may be convenient. We may arrive at a well-founded 
classification without the ability to shew, from early history, its probable 
origin and existence. As long as the existence of certain characteristic • 
readings, belonging to various memorials of the text, can be perceived, 
we will not abandon the idea of recensions or families ; and we believe 
that classes, in the whole mass of materials, may be dtstingiHshed from 
one another. Their number here is of no moment — their ^3oui$enoe is 
aH we elidm ; and few critics will hesitate to admit tlie latter as a fiict, 
believing that tbe critieal doeumnts of the New Testament text sepa- 
rate thenelveB, by meaas of chamoteristicxeadiQfi^ into eertain claase&' 
— vol. 3i. p. 86. 

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156 Biblical Oritimm, [April, 

On the history of the printed text, Dr. Davidson gives aU 
attainable information. It is interesting to observe how, without 
any great critical effort on the part of learned men, and indeed 
almost, in some cases, fortuitously, the early printed editions of 
the New Testament exhibited, in all important and substantial 
matters, tfie text of criticism. If we take the first printed copy, 
that of the Complutensian Polyfflott, or the first published edition, 
that of Erasmus, and compare tnem with the text of Tischendor^ 
for example — although weir discrepancies are ({uite numerous 
enough to justify all the labour whicn has been given to the sub- 
ject, they are too few to unsettle our faith in one doctrine, or to 
weaken in the slightest degree Christian practice. From the 
recesses of learning, earlv in the sixteenth century, proceeded a 
volume, printed from a few mss. which happened to belong to 
the locality of its editors. Soon after, Erasmus published an 
edition, formed quite independently from written documents, 
which Davidson describes as * modem manuscripts, and those very 
few, as well as of little value.' From that time, 1616, several 
other editions appeared until 1633, when the Tex^tus Beceptus was 
published ; that is to say, the text which has ever since been used 
m Christendom, and has been the basis on which systems of 
theology, commentaries, and other learned works have been built, 
and from which modem translations into many languages have 
been made. All the combined efforts and researches of great and 
pious biblical critics have been made to bear on its improvemeut, 
and yet, positively^ how little has been effected 1 The wet is, that 
the Vulgate Greek Testament of the times of Erasmus, as it 
existed m manuscripts, had, by the providence of God, a very 
close and intimate resemblance to the very oldest documents 
which have since been brought to light ; and the result of the 
whole history of the Greek Testament, firom that time to this, is a 
conviction that the livelv oracles of God have suffered no material 
injury by their long and hazardous transmission from ancient times. 

It may be thought that we are now uttering mere truisms^ well 
known and therefore not necessary to be repeated ; but we entertain 
the opinion that it is important to reiterate on all fit occasions the 
interesting fact, that biblical criticism only contemplates poUsh, 
not organic ehangey and that all it can do is to clear away some 
spots and blemishes which time and human carelessness have 
caused to adhere to the solid and fair structure of immortal truth. 
Plain Christians are apt to mistake our labours on the word of 
God, when they see new revisions of the Bible appearing in print, 
and read of the zealous and life-long labours of the learned in 
adding to, or taking from, the received and veneraUe text to 
which they have bcSn accustomed. But they shoidd be given 
clearly to understand that it has long since been settled that no 

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1853.] Biblieal Criticism. 157 

imjxniant alteration is possible, and that all liiat can be done is 
to exercise a jealous care to firee the Scriptures from what does 
not properly belong to them. 

Irobably nothing tends more to perpetuate a prejudice against 
Inblical criticism in ordinary minds, than the stereotyped form of 
our authorised version, which, by the contrast of its entire literal 
sameness from age to age, serves as a foil to the ever varying 
texts of critical editions of the New Testament. The margins of 
commentaries are full of suggestions of change, but no enange 
comes. Imperceptibly, English readers acquire a fixed idea that 
the English version is tJie Bible ; and in proportion as they are 
accustomed to its rigid fixedness, they dislike and repudiate the 
changes of the critics. Had undoubted errors been corrected 
when the whole learning of the world agreed on their existence, 
or had new and better renderings been introduced when unanimity 
was attained as to their expediency, the public mind would have 
been accustomed to changes which the learned and competent 
apmx)ve of, but which confound and stagger the uninitiated. 

in his examination of the versions, Dr. Davidson does greater 
justice to the Syriac than he did in the Old Testament ; and the 
claims of the Peshito are considered in above thirty pages, while 
the Philoxenian and other Syriac translations occupy twenty more. 
Still, all his valuable remarks only tend to exhibit the very back- 
ward state of this venerable literature, compared with its intrinsic 
importance. In reference to printed editions, both of the Old and 
New Testaments in Syriac, there is a deplorable want of anything 
Hke certainty as to the text, which it is hoped may be removed by 
the aid of the abundant materials now treasured up in our libraries, 
especially in the British Museum, to say nothing of the immense 
stores of the Vatican, which we may hope will, ere long, be avail- 
able for the public good. The editions published by the Bible 
Sodely were conceived in a highly benevolent and liberal spirit, 
but with too little reference to a scholarlike criticism ; and hence 
the CTeat outlay of money upon them has been only of partial 
benefit The circumstance of the Old Testament wanting the 
Apocrypha, alone vitiates the edition in relation to the biblical 
student. In the language of Dr. Davidson, — 

* What is most wanted is a new and critical edition [of the whole 
Syriac Scriptures] from many more mss. than have been yet em- 
ployed or collated. There are very old and important copies in this 
country brought from the Nitrian desert These are sufficiently nume- 
rous and valuable to lay at the basb of a new edition, even without the 
asnstance of such as are in the Vatican and other libraries of Europe. 
Michaelis's words are still true, that ^' in using this version we must 
Bever forget that our present editions are very imperfect, and not con- 
clude that every reading of the Syriac printed text was the reading of 
the Greek mss." when the version was made.'— vol. ii. p. 167. i 



158 Biblical OriUeism. [April, 

Dr. Davidaon has B<»ne excellent obeeirations on the use of the 
Versions. It has been too much the habit to consider as im* 
portant cmy translation of the Bible into any other language than 
the original ; and hence some works on criticism have brought in 
a very cumbrous and useless apparatus. Anv yer^on may be 
useful as a comment, and may render aid in Ilermeneutics, when 
it is only in the way in criticism. As a general prindple a verai<Hi 
should be at least as old as the oldest class of mss., or made 
from another version as old, in order to render effi^tive aid ; and 
if this rule is applied, the labours of the critic, while still heavy 
enough, will be greatly reduced. Dr. Davidscm mentions, as 
usefiu for the criticism of the New Testament, the Syriac, Latin, 
Egyptian, iEthiopic, and Gothic. 

5learl^ fifty pages are devoted to a description of the Uncial 
manuscripts, and murteen to the cursive. The author estimates 
the latter but lightly, and would confine the labours of the critic 
princinally to the former. He says, ' the Uncial mss. ought to 
be well known and fairly aj^lied to the purposes of criticism. All 
the rest, or the great mass of the junior ones, may be dispensed 
with. They are scarcely needed^ because the Uncial are nume- 
rous. At jn'esent they do nothing but hinder the advancement of 
critical science, by drawing off to them time and attention which 
might be better devoted to older documents. A line should be 
drawn somewhere, beyond which an editor should not go in citing 
codices. Why resort, for example, to copies of the thirteenth or 
fourteenth centuries, before giving the readings of copies belong* 
ing to the fifth, sixth, seventn, and eighth ? By aU means let us 
have the latter first ; and ^the former then be judged necessary, 
they may be produced. The attention of critical editors must 
therefore be more concentrated.' It is strange that any other 
course than this should have been pursued ; but such is tne &ct 
A charm seems to be attached in some minds to what is written 
by the hand, apart from all considerations of age or authority. 
The object is to get at the state of the text in the earliest ages, or, 
in other words, to arrive as near as possible to the autograpb 
originals. Ancient versions and Mse. can alone assist us in ws 
laudable effort To consult modem documents is as inapt a course 
as it would be for men, sent to analyse the source of a stream, to 
stop some hundred miles off, and take their q)edmai for experi- 
ment from water mixed and defiled with numerous rivulets it had 
met with in its travels from the fountain head. 

Dr. Davidson sums up his observations on the whole subject of 
manuscripts in the following remark, which shows the great men- 
tal qualities demanded in a competent critic : — 

* The eyes must be practised in the various forms of letters, and the 
mind must be habituated to the investigation of critical questions. 

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1853.] BMcal Critieim. 159 

General observations may lead the novice to think that the determina- 
tion of the right reading is an easy matter in most cases, but practice 
will soon show the reverse. Though mss. are the most important class 
of materials for bringing back the New Testament text to its pristine 
state, even they are not so definite or authoritative as we could wish. 
In detecting corruptions their g^reat utility is unquestionable: there 
they are of primary and pre-eminent value, but in replacing the true 
readings they are of less assistance of themselves; yet they are the 
most credible witnesses for the express words of the original writers, 
though thev do not satisfy all expectation ; and to them must all editors 
of the original look as the basis of that text which came fit>m the hands of 
the inspired authors. A reading which occurs in no ms. must be power- 
fully attested in another way to recommend it as true.' — vol. ii. p. 334. 

But we have said enough to accomplish our object, which is not 
to give an epitome of these volumes, out to do our best to recom- 
mend them to our readers. They admirablv supplement the former 
productions of the author ; and with the Introdicction to the New 
Testament and the Sacred Jffermeneutici^ form a complete library 
of biblical apparatus of the highest value. The latter work • is 
often referred to in these volumes, and should be in the hands of 
all who wish to employ them to the greatest advantage. From 
Dr. Davidson's habits of independent thought, the volume (on 
Hermeneutics) has a freshness and suggestive character highly 
valuable to the student, especially young men, who will be de- 
Kvered from many prejudices wnidi stand in their way by its 
careftd perusal. Its treatment of the subject of quotations from 
the Old Testament in the New, is as full as can be desired, and 
forms a prominent feature of the book. We cordially congratulate 
the author on the completion of his labours in this mghly valuable 
course of study which he has provided, and hope that he will be 
rewarded ^as well as in other ways) by seeing a more enlarged 
attention given to the rational and only correct method of study- 
ing the Holy Scriptures. It is perfectly astonishing how much m 
their infancy biblical criticism and interpretation are, as regards the 
great body of the clergy of all denominations, to say nothing of 
private Chnstians. From the great numbers we meet with, who, 
although pledged to do all they can to become scribes well in- 
strueted^ yet care for none of these things, our wonder is that such 
works as those before us get patronised as much as they do. But 
the goodly remnant is no doubt becoming greater every year ; and 
ouor prayer is that it may soon constitute a very large majority. 

H. B. 

* Sacred Henneneutics developed and applied ; mcladiag a History of BiUieai 
iBterpretation from the Earliest of the Fathers to the ReformatioD. Ediubar£hz 
T. and T. Oark. 



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160 The Memphitk New Testament. [April, 



THE MEMPHITIC NEW TESTAMENT. 

Qnatuor Evcmgelia in dialecto ling\iae Copticae Memphitica, per^ 
seripta ad Codd. MS. Copticorum in Begia Bibliotheca Bero- 
lineTtsi adservatorum necnon libri a Wilkinsio emiasi fidem, 
Edidit, emendavit, adnotatonibus Criticis et Grammaticis, 
variantibus lectionibus expositis atque textu Coptico cum Graeco 
comparato instnixit M. G. Schwartze. lipsiae. (Matt, et 
Mar. 1846. Luc. et Job. 1847.) 4to. 

Acta Apostolorum Coptice edidit rAULUS Boetticher, Artium 
Magister, etc Halae, 1862. 8vo. 

Among the more important of tbe early versions of the New 
Testament Scriptures, we must rank those in the languages or 
dialects of Egypt ; their great and acknowledged antiqui^ would 
show that they are worthy of attention ; and when, in addition to 
this, their internal character is displayed, they are found to be 
monuments which possess an especial value as witnesses to the 
kind of Greek text which passed current in that region, and at the 
period when they were executed. 

These veraons have been popularly known by the names of the 
Coptic and Sahidic. It may seem to be but a vain attempt for 
any to try to displace a received terminology, but in the case of 
these versions, the names by which they are known are so contra- 
dictory, that we have for some time sought to introduce more 
correct designations, and our attempts have not been wholly fruit- 
less, for otoers have partially rejected the names which might 
mislead. 

The two veraons of which we speak, are those in the two 
dialects of Upper and Lower Egypt. The name Coptic^ as applied 
to a language, should denote that of the country of Egypt in 
general, and thus it should be generic, and not merely sigmncant 
of a local dialect ; for any such peculiar appropriation is incx)n- 
sistent with its wideness of meaning. And farther, as the name 
Coptic is derived from CoptoSy an ancient city of Upper Egypt, 
there was a sinmdar impropriety in applying the term specifically 
to the dialect of Lower Egypt. 

Although the name Sahidic does not involve any such contra- 
diction, yet it is not very suitable : for it is derived from JuSia Saidy 
the name given by the Arabs to Upper Egypt; its use there- 
fore involves an anachronism, as great as if we were to call the 
language of the ancient Gauls (whatever that might be) French^ 
dmply because France is the modem name of Gallia. 



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1853.] The Memphitic New TestamerU. 161 

The U]^)er Egj^itian dialect has been more fitly called Copto 
Thebaic^ and the Lower Egyptian Oopto-AfmpAi^, (or, more 
briefly, Thehaic and Memphitic^) from the dties of Thebes and 
Memphis, which were respectiyely the capitals of the two divisions 



ofEfflrpt 
T^eeai 



earliest printed edition of the Memphitic New Testament 
was edited in 1716, by David Wilkjns (W oirth a Prussian), and 
it was printed and puUished at C^ord. Tnis was based (as stated 
in tiie title^ on the authori^ of mss. in the Bodleian library 
compared with some in tiie Vatican and some at Paris. The edition 
appears to have comprised but a very limited number of copies, 
and of these by ien tiie larger part appears to be still remaining in 
stock in sheets, in the warehouse of the University printing-o£Bce 
at Oxford. This shows that Egyptian learning and attention to 
Biblical critidsm together have occasioned but a small demand for 
the work. 

Attention, however, had been paid to this version before the 
labours of WiUdns ; for our countryman Thomas Marshall had 
even prepared the four Gospels for the press — the publication of 
which was prevented by his deatL And from a partial collation 
of the MS6. of this version made by Marshall, readings communi- 
cated to Mill found a place in his critical apparatus : such read- 
ings have been perpetuated in other critical editions, even when 
they diflfer from the text and Latin version published by Wilkins, 
becmise it was rightiy judged that they possessed some authority 
as having been taken from biss. by an Egyptian scholar ; while 
Wilkins does not inform his readers what mss. in particular he 
follows in the different readings which he ^ves, and he appends 
no critical apparatus, and maintains a lofty silence as to the 
various readings which he must have found in the mss. which he 
consulted. 

There were those who at once severelv castigated Wilkins's 
edition ; amongst others. La Croze and Jablonsky, both ranking 
amongst the most learned Egyptian scholars of their day, and 
either of them apparently competent to execute such a work as had 
been undertaken by Wilkins. 

As far as the application of the Memphitic New Testament to 
Biblical criticism was concerned, things long remmned in the same 
state : readinss were drawn from the Latin version ffiven by Wil- 
kins, to which those found in Mill were added : mese of course 
were enough to show the general character of the version, and to 
make it very useful as a critical aid ; but stiU, something more 
was needed, when minute accuracy was desired. Wilkins's edi- 
torial competency had been impugned, first, as to the text which 
he published without naming his authorities, for it clearly contained 

VOL. IV.— NO. VII. M 

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162 The Memphkic New TeO^iment. [April, 

conflate readings, — sentences, in which in one part one ms. bad 
been followed, and in the other part another, so that the members 
did not hang together ; and secondly as to his Latin version, in 
which great inaccuracies were pointed out, sudi as were utteriy 
confounding to a critic who endeavoured to use it, unless he were 
himself an Egyptian scholar. 

Meanwhile, uie critical value of the Mempbitic version became 
more and more highly estimated: it was found to ccnncide ao 
generally with the oldest Greek mss. and with the citations found 
in the writings of Origen, that it was rightly judged to be <md of 
the more important of the ancient tranaiations. 

It was therefore with great interest that Biblical scholars re- 
ceived the announcement that Schwartze had undertaken an 
edition based on a careful examination of ms. authorities ; of ibis 
the first part, containing the goq>els of Matthew and Mark, ap- 
peared in 1846. 

The following were the ms. authorities which he was able to 
use for the revision or formadon of the text. 

P. I. A MS. containing only the Gospel of St. Matthew, except 
certain ecclesiastical lessons. It is a transcr^ made by Theodore 
Petraeos in 1662. 

P. II. A Bis. of the Sunday lessons from the four Gospels, with 
those of ecclesiastical festivals ; also a transcript made by Petrseus. 

P. III. A MS. of St. Mark, copied also by the same person. 

P. IV. A similar transcript of St. Luke. 

P. Y. A MS. of Petraeus, containing his remarks on passages in 
the Memphitic Gospels. 

Dz. A MS. of the four Gospels, formerly in the possession of Diez, 
which may belong to the fourteenth century. 

It will thus be se^i that the materials in the hands of Schwartze 
were not great in quantity, nor yet venerable for their antiquity. 
In fact he used the aids \rith which B^lin sup{died him, adding to 
them what he could from another source; that is, from the 
printed edition of Wilkins, which, wi^ all its faults, at least 
presented readings found in some of the mss. used by that writo*. 

It is probable that there is no record what the Biss. were from 
which Petraeus copied ; at all events, as things now are, his tran- 
scripts must be taJLen in the place of the unknown originals ; and, 
small as is the antiquity ot existing Memphitic mss., we must 
take them as they are, and then if the question is raised as to the 
text which they contain, we must refer to the fact of its general 
agreement with what we know to have been current in Egypt in 
the third century, as a proof that it is substantially void ot cor- 
ruption. Of course we could have unshed to possess this ancient 
ver^on in andent documents ; but we must be thankfrd for what 

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1853.] The Mmphitic New Testament. 163 

we haTe» remembering that some of CScero's works have only been 
preserved in a single ms. of the fourteenth century. 

Schwartze formed his text from his copies, with the aid of 
Wilkins's printed edition. He was able to avoid many ^rors into 
which his predecessor had fallen by making a more judicious use 
of bis materials, and by possessing that grammatical knowledge 
which prevented him from oomlmun^ readings taken from different 
MSB. in such a way as to make impossible constructions. He 
also gave the various readings found in the msb. which he col- 
lated: Ibese, however, have in general more interest for the 
Egyptian scholar than for the Bibhcal critic ; because they more 
often relate to the form and structure of sentences than to the 
readings which may have existed in the original Greek. 

But now fiir is ochwartze's work availiS>le for critics who are 
unacquainted with the M emphitic language ? We will mention 
the manner in which he proceeded for uieir benefit : whether what 
be did is sufficient, and whether any better modes could be adopted, 
are questions for distinct consideration. 

Scnwartze was utterly dissatisfied with Wiikins's Latin version, 
many errors of which he pointed out in his preface : he did not, 
however, wish to make a new one^ partiv because the general 
texture of that of Wilkins was sufficiently correct, and partiy 
because he seemed to think that this was insufficient for the pur- 
pose which he had in view : be therefore gave a collation of the 
Cm^ ifersions with the Greek text: we say with Schwartze 
* Coptic tfersionSy because in this he does not confine himself to the 
Memphitic, but be also refers to the readings of the Hiebaic 
fragments, {urepared for publication by Woide, and edited in 1799 
b;^ rord (under the name of Sahidic). The readings of these he 
wished to exhibit with more accuracy than had been done by 
Woide and Ford, whom be considered not very compet^it to the 
task wludi they had undertaken. 

The mamiOT in which Sdiwartze, then, instructs his readars in 
the critical use of the Memphitic version is this : — ^he subjoins at 
the foot of every ]^age a collation of its text (together with that of 
the Thebdc version, as fiyr as it has been puUished) with the 
Greek Te^aments of Lachmann (1842), and of Hschendinf (first 
edition, 1841). There is also a collation of the texts with that of 
the Codex Ephraemi (as published by Teschendorf) where it is ex- 
tant In this part also there are frequent allusions to Wilkins's 
Latin version ; indeed, Schwartze seems to have thought that his 
readers would have had that veraon before them in using his 
edition ; and we must say that we have oftai found it neednd to 
refer to Wilkins in order to understand predady what Schwartze 
states the Memphitic readings to be. 

M 2 

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164 The Memphitic New TeHdment. [April, 

We think that in this part of his work Schwartze might have 
more fully studied perspicuity. His edition would have be^ 
much more valuable had it oeen indepmdent — ^had the readings 
been so compared with the Greek as not to necesatate a continued 
reference to other books. Also, the editor seems to have from 
time to time forgotten that those who examined his edition fw 
critical purposes, were by no means likely to possess an accurate 
acquaintance with the Memphitic tongue, even if they were ac- 
quainted with the letters ; at least we do not know of any critical 
editor of the New Testament who has been skilled in this brandi 
of learning. And thus there often remains a doubt, whether tbis 
ancient and valuable version can be cited as an authority on either 
side in cases relating to tense, construction, order of substantives 
and adjectives, and other points, as to which die ancient Latin 
versions (such as the Codices Vercellensis and Veronenas) may be 
freely and confidently used. 

But let all these considerations have their frill weiriit; still 
Schwartze*s edition of the Memphitic Gospels possesses for critical 
purposes a value immeasurably superior to mat of Wilkins ; it 
enables us to correct former mistakes, to speak with confidence on 
points previously doubtfril, and to make such a use of this version 
as is more wortny of its antiquity and internal character. 

At the end of the Preface to the Gospels of Luke and John, 
published in 1847, Schwartze speaks of his intention of going at 
once, under the auspices of the King of Prussia, to Enci^hnd and 
France, to collate the Egyptian mss. preserved in die libraries of 
those countries. Hence it was hoped that he would prepare the 
text of the remaining part of the New Testament with still greater 
exactitude, fi*om dius possessing the aid of mss. of greater antiquity 
and value than the Berlin transcripts. 

These hopes, however, were frustrated. After his return fixmi 
his critical journey, this usefiil labourer in the critical field seems 
to have done something towards the arrangement of his collations 
and the completion oF his Coptic Grammar (since publidied^ ; 
but before he could give to uie world any more of the results 
of his labours he was removed by fifLUing a victim to the cholera. 

It was hoped that Petermann of Barlin would have continued 
the work of Schwartze, thus interrupted. Many inquiries were 
made on the subject ; but at length, in the early part of 1852 the 
continuation of the work by Paul Boetticher of Halle was an- 
nounced. It was supposed that by the aid of Schwartze's papers 
the remaining books of the New Testament niigfat be edited on a 
plan, which would be at least as convenient to Biblical scholars as 
that followed by Schwartze. 

When Boetticher's Memphitic Acts of the Apostles was an- 

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1853.] The MempkUic New Testament, 1^5 

nounced as published, diese expectations experienced a rude «hock. 
The form of the book, octavo^ at once showed tliat it was not in- 
tended as a continuation of Schwartze's quarto edition ; and on 
opening the book, its internal appearance was still more surprising ; 
for it exhibited a Memphitic text, and nothing else, except a few 
various readings at tiie root of some off &e pages. 

The Prefiace tells us little enough ^ de ratume et coneUio Jn^tis 
editioms ;' for this siud preface consists of twenty^cne lines only ; 
and all the information wnich it gives (most meagrely expressed) 
is that Schwartze left notiiing behind at his death which was avail- 
able for the continuation of nis Copto-Memphitic New Testament, 
except a collation of two British mss. — one of which Boetticher 
calls CuretaniamLs^ the other TattoMianue (without mentioning 
where they are deposited, or giving a description by which tiiey 
could be identified). Boetticher then^ays that he used this colla- 
tion and one which had been made (by himself or another we are 
not informed) of two Parisian mss. ; which, as to place of deposit, 
mark, or number, are equally undescribed. 

Boetticher, then, very unceremoniously states his reason for noit 
^vins a collation of the Memphitic with the Greek text : ^ I have in 
this pUce abstained from a verbal comparison with the Greek, since I 
am soon going to publish my own book, edited on the authority 
of the oriental versions.' It is always unsatisfSsictary to be Te- 
ferred for information which we want to some bodk yet unpublished, 
eepecially when it appears as if its preparation would be a work of 
labour, so that the interval before its appearance may be great 
We certainly wish that Boetticher's book may «oon appear, and 
that it may be satisfeu^tory botii as to its plan and its execution. 
Meanwhile it only seems as though tiie right opportunity far giving 
the wanted information had not been embraced^ 

At the end of the book Dr. Boetticher craves the reader^s indul- 
gence for the errata with which he may meet, as it was printed at 
Vienna while he remained at Halle. 

Thus it will be seen that while much was accomplished by 
Schwartze for the Memphitic Gospels, much remains to %e done. 
We want — 

1st An accurate list and description of the Memphitic mss., 
so as to know which of them (from their antiquity or internal 
diaracter) are worthy of a <;ollation as complete as that of the 
Berlin mss. made by Schwartze. 

2nd. An edition containing tiie various readings of diese mss. 
subjoined to a carefully editdl text, together wiu references to 
Greek mss. as supporting the readings of tiie Memphitic ver- 
sion. 

Until these two things have been done by one (if such there be) 

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166 The MmpkUAc New Tettament. [April, 

who is a sound Biblical critic, and a competent Egyptian sdiolar, 
we shall not be able to make jfW/ vse of this yersion as an import- 
ant witness to that text of the New Testament which is fomid in 
the most andent documents. 

Perhaps at some future time we may possess full materials for 
investigating the origin of this yendon in all its parts ; {at with 
regard to these ancient translations in general, it is an interesting 
inquiry whether all was executed at the same time, or whether the 
version was a gradual accretion of parts. As to the Memphitic in 
particular, we should be glad if we had full data for drawing acer- 
tain condusicm whether the Apocalypse belongs to the same age 
as the rest of the version : this may be questioned, 1st, on the in- 
ternal ground of some of its readings; and 2nd, because it is 
doubtfiu whether the influence of Dionysius of Alexandria had not 
been sufficient to exclude the Revdiaticm firom Ecclesiastical use 
in Effypi at the time when the Menphitic vmnion was executed. 

We have only referred incidentally to the Thebaic version. 
Woide's collection of fragvoents still continues to be the place in 
which almost all that has been printed can alone be found. An 
industrious collector, who is himself a good Egyptian scholar, still 
is needed to search out other portions of this version from Ufararies 
in which they lie unused, and to edit them accurately. 

We ought not to leave this subject without mentioning that a 
ma^ifioent edition of the Gospels in the Memphitic dialect was 
puUished some years affo by English sodieties, for the use of the 
Egyptian Christtana. In this nublicatiou the text of Wilkins was 
not followed, but the editor, Mr. lieder, followed ms. authorities. 
An account of what tiiese mss, were would be valuable and im- 
portant. By the side of the M^nphitic text there is an Arabic 
column, in order that what is read Ecclesiastically may not be 
wholly unintelligible to the Copts who read. The rest of the New 
Testament on a similar plan has recentiy been completed. 

L.M. 



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1853.] Correspondence. 167 



CORRESPONDENCE. 



HADES AND HEAVEN. 

Siii^ — Though I am unwilling to trespass upon tlie very valuable 
wpaee in your Journal, by continuing the discuaeion which I have been 
instrumental in exciting ; there is one point in the letter of J. E., in 
the Journal for January, on which I should like, with your permiasion, 
to say a lew words. 

Amid many charges, which I prefer to leave as they are, he says 
that I have ' <»nitted, in my consideration of Scripture, by (at the most 
important and positive passage that the New Testament contains on the 
subject, viz., Lidi^e xx. 37, 38, '^ Now that the dead are raised," ' dbc. I 
assure you that the omission was made only because I thought that the 
passage in question could not by any one be held as teaching the ex- 
istence of a world of ghosts. 

For, consider what was the occasion for this memoral^e decision of 
our blessed Lord. The Sadducees strove to embarrass him with a diffi- 
culty connected with the fature resurrection of certain dead people, who 
had held the relationship of marriage together before they died. ' The 
woman died also : therefore in the resurrection, whose wife shall she 
be?" Our Saviour, after affirming that the difficulty was of their 
own invention, inasmuch as in thisyt«/icre resurrection such relationship, 
would cease, goes on to refer to a passage in Exodus, in order to prove 
that the Mosaic law implied a future life. Now, if the passage from 
Exodus merely declared the conscious existence of the three patriarchs, 
while the Lord was speaking to Moses, I cannot see how it could de- 
monstrate that < the dead are raised.' It certainly would never have 
done so with a pagan, who believed that 'non cum corpore extin- 
guuntur magnse animsB,' but who scoffed at the raising of the dead ; and 
I do not conceive it would have refuted the Sadducees. 

The living in Hades after death was a tenet freely discussed, and in 
general acknowledged in the Gentile schools. The Epicureans and 
Sieir brethren the Sadducees denied it, it is true, but neither at Athens 
nor at Jerusalem could they have treated with scorn that which formed 
an almost necessary scene in the great classical Epos, and upon which 
Socrates had discoursed to a party of philosophic friends. But the doc- 
trine of the Scriptures, which moved the ridicule of the sneering philo- 
sopher, was not any vague and comfortless, but scholastic, immortality ; 
but the bright, and r^, and grand, though despised iLvdaraait, or 
resurrection, not the continuous life of that which never died, but the 
re-living of what had perished ; and this hopeful doctrine could have 
been in no way affirmed, though it were true, that the Lord told Moses 
of the continued existenee of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. 



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168 Corr^pondmee. [April, 

But is it 80 certain that our Redeemer ever intended to draw sach 
an inference from the passage in Exodus ? I confess I can scarcely 
avoid the conclusion that some worthy commentators may have been 
unconsciously or carelessly misled by the italics in which the word am 
is printed in our English Bibles C'l am the God of Abraham/' &c.), 
making it an important, accented word, instead of one not at all found in 
the original. At any rate, the whole argument to prove that the patri- 
archs were conscious, when the words were spoken, clearly supposes that 
Giod said, '^ I €tm at this present moment their God !' But, indeed, in the 
Hebrew of Exodus there is no verb whatev^, and no word to denote 
time: so that the phrase might as well be, ' I was or shall be their 
God/ In St. Mark's and St. Luke's Grospds, likewise, and in St. 
Stephen's speech, where the passage is quoted, the verb to be is wanting, 
and though in the Septuagint of Exodus, and in St. Matthew's Gospel, 
the word elfxi occurs, it is impossible that the whole stress of the sen- 
tence depends upon this word, or else, surely, it could never have been 
omitted in the other places. 

If I were to go to a man and say, ^ I am the friend of your father,' 
should I neceanrily be understood to assert that his father was alive, 
even though I were to speak in the present tense? And can we there- 
fi)re beli&ve that the Lord, using similar language, but not confined to 
ite present tense, necessarily affirmed the living of the three patriarchs? 

J. E., however, makes much of the fact that Christ added, ^For He 
is not the G<xi of the dead, but of the living.' He would, I presume, 
conclude that as Grod was the God of Abrcdiam and not of the dead, 
therefore Abraham was not dead. But surely, in some sense or another, 
Abraham was dead ; at least the Bible says so. If Abraham was not 
dead, what has his case to do with the raising of the dead ? Indeed, if 
Abraham was not dead, who is dead ? We seem on the brink of proving 
that there are no dead people at all. If the word ^ti:^ means uneon- 
idously dead, as I suppose J. E. would say in the last-mentioned pas- 
sage^ then undoubtedly there are plenty df declarations that men are 
r€Kpo(, or nneonseiously dead. But if y€Kp6c means canscimuly dead, 
what is intended by God saying He was not the Grod of such, and 
therefore (as J. E. would argue) Abraham was not such ? 

Might not we rather argue thus? If Abraham was always, during 
consciousness, God's friend — if, as we are told, Abraham was dead — 
if, as our Redeemer declares, God is not the 'Grod of the dead — ^that 
dead Abraham was not conscious. 

The proof which our Saviour resdly intended to draw from this pas- 
sage it is not my present object to discuss. I would refer those who 
are anxious to follow up and understand that proof, to Tholuck's Intro- 
duction to the Hebrews, ch. vi. I have done what I proposed d<nng, 
if I have i^own that he could not be speaking of coniimums life ; and 
that, whatever his meaning was, it certainly does not oppose what I 
originally said. 

I regret that the attention of your readers has been so singularly 
called off from what I intended to be the chief point in Hades and 
Heaven, viz., the future human kingdom of Christ. I was so persuaded 



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18§3.] Correspondence. 169 

of the importance of this belief — so corroborated in the persuasion by 
reading Mr. Heath's very interesting and candid book, tliat I felt I was 
doing a service to the Christian world when I brought this book under 
their notice. I perceived, however, that the pagan dream of Hades 
had so confused this grand Christian hope — the hope that animated the 
martyrs of old — that no one could acquiesce in a revival of the apos- 
tolical belief, unless he were prepared to hold more lightly the view of 
a conscious Hades. Under this impression, I endeavoured, not exactly 
to €Usprove the existence of such a place, but to show that neither 
Scripture nor reason insist upon it so strongly as J. £. seems to suppose, 
and so strong as to obscure the real doctrine of the New Testament, 
that the dead shall be raised to meet their Lord. 

If it is true that the period between death and resurrection be one 
of absolute unconsciousness, then, as far as I am concerned, the moment 
of resurrection will seem to succeed immediately to that of dissolution ; 
and I can resign myself to the temporary sway of the g^rim enemy, with 
hr more genuine feelings of confidence and joyful expectation, than if 
I have to look forward to an indefinite time of disembodied conscious- 
ness, awaiting, I know not how 4ong, the advent of Jesus to give me 
perfect hairiness. 

I am persuaded that if the notion of Hades be consistently followed 
up, it must lead to a system of continued probcUion in the nether world ; 
and I presume it is from a fear of such a result that the passage from 
St. Peter^s first Epistle (iii. 19, 20) is so often avoided by the advocates 
of the immaterial life between earth and heaven. I have endeavoured 
to weigh the entire subject, and have gladly read whatever can be said 
on all sides. The best book by &r which takes the opposite views to 
those I liave defended is ^The Revealed Economy of Heaven and 
Earth,' where the author does certainly draw out a well-considered 
and congruous scheme of divinity, founded .upon the supposition of 
Hades. There is a want of facts for proceeding on ; but every man 
who desires to see a well-managed, and calmly-treated system, founded 
on Hades, ought to consult this book. 

I could say a great deal more. Sir, but I am loth to encroach upon 
the patience of yourself and readers. I have been only anxious to 
have the matter well examined ; and I would rather give place io 
others, now that your kindness has permitted me to say something. 

I am your obedient servant, 

March, 1863. W. H. X 

JUDE, verse 9. 

Sir, — Could you or any of the readers of your valuable Journal sug- 
gest a satis&ctory explanation of Jude 9 ? Is it known to what cir- 
cumstance tlie apostle refers when he speaks of Michael contending for 
the body of Moses ? Is there not, may I l&irther ask, reason for believ- 
ing that Moses was raised from the d^ previous to his appearance on 
the moimt of transfiguration ? No doubt Elijah was present in the 
^y with which he asc^ded into heaven, and is it unscriptuial to 

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170 Correspondence. [April, 

maintain that Moses was bodily present likewise ? If you could fumifih 
me with some assistance in explaining these difficulties, or maition what 
is the most probable opinion concerning them, you would greatly oblige. 

I remain, &c. 
March n, \S5S. C. H. W. 

THE ESSENES. 

Sib, — ^I haTe read the article on * The Essenes,' in your October 
number, by your learned contributor P. S., with unmixed satis&ctioD ; 
and take leave thoredbre to intrude my laical contribution among your 
clerical expositors, not in controversion of that gentleman's arguments 
and theories, but in addition to them, and in their support, against 
the flights of the quondam opium*eater. 

My reading, since my first travels in Germany and Denmark, have 
led me to many considerations of the origin and hktory of the prin- 
cipal Jewish sects, particularly the Sadducees and Samaritans, and 
more especially that extraordinary one, the Caraites; and also the 
Essenes, to which latter society 1 shall confine this communicatioo. 
Much of the information that I have gained has been collected finom 
German works, and personal communication with Israelitish friends in 
Holstein, one of whom, the learned, pious, and lib^al Frederick War- 
burg, of Ahona and Gliiokstadt, now sleeps with his &thers. Of the 
works, the ' Geschichte, Lehren, und Meinungen, aller religiosen 
Sekten der Juden,' * is the prindpal, and among the best of the modem 
authorities. 

f Before ascending to the opium-heaven of Mr. de Quincy, or into 
his Nilotic Hades, as described by himself in his adnuiable ^ Confes- 
sions,' I would begin with the beginning, the etymology of the word, 
which denotes that sect, and refer to my JSpiciieffium for that purpose. 
Old Dr. Adam Littleton — who acknowledges his obligations to ' a large 
MS. in three folio volumes,^ by Mr. John Milton, digested into alpha- 
betical order,' and we all know our illustrious bard of Paradise's inti- 
macy with Biblical and Hebrew lore — defines the Essenes to be a sect 
or religious order among the Jews, miich like the Pythagoreans among 
the Greeks. They Hved in common, dressed in white vestments, em- 
ployed themselves in labour and devotion, studied botanical simples 
for the art of mediciBe, used a plain diet, and generally lived to a 
ffreat age. They are cedled, in the Latin tongue, 'Esetei vel JEsseni^ 
Efftraiot sive 'Eafftivol, 'lov^aioc A^inyra), Suid. &ird r^c otnorriTOQf Philo. 
a K^Dn unde Gr. Btriod sanctus^ ob instituti et vitse sanctitatem. Al. 
ab K1DK medicus, qu6d morbos cum corporis tum animi sanarent, quae 
eos ^epavevrag idem Philo voc. Al. a riff^ quod eBtfacere ; q. d. ope- 
rarii, manibus enim suis operabantur, ut inde viverent, et egenis sub- 
venirent : quarta f^erunt Judseomm secta, vit» solitarice amantes, et 
vduti monachi Judseorum; reliq. sect, fuere, I. Pharisasi, sanctitatis 

* History, Doctrines, and Opinions of all Religious Sects among the Jews, 
by P. Beer. Brtinn. 1822. 
^ What has become of this ms. ?— J. E. 



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1853.] Oarreipandence. 171 

(at loquuntur) : 2. SaducsBi, justitiae : 3. Hanafobaptistaa, Ceremonial 
rum ma^tri. Ort» sunt hse sectse tempore Antiochi die. an. mund. 
3850/ Herein, however, no mention is made of the Caraites. 

Herr Beer adds bat little to this list of etymologies, informing us 
that some critics deriye it from the Aramaic M^DR* a physician, either 
because its members studied medicine, or professed to heal afflicted 
souls. Others, he says, derived it from the Greek o^ioc, holy ; others 
sought it in the Hebrew word iiDH silent, beea«Me it was a rule in their 
order, to speak as little as possible ; and others again, in the Hebrew 
word TDHy pious. A gr^t number, however, are of opinion that the 
sect derives its name Irom Hoaseus or Easeus, its presumed founder. 
In like manner, Maimonides, with others, derives the schismatical 
sects of Sadducees and Baithosees, from their presumed founders, 
Zadok and Baithos, two refractory disciples of Antiffonus of Socho. 

The origin of the sect or order of the Essenes has been as fruitful 
of controversy as its etymon. Some authorities conjecture it to be 
derived from the immediate descendants of Op — Keni^ the fiither-in-law, 
or brother-in-law of Moses i" or of n3") — Eeckaby a descendant of Jethro, 
the royal priest of Midian, who commanded them neither to build 
houses, nor to till the land, nor to plant vineyards, nor to drink wine ; 
and to dwell always in tents. These commands they obeyed till the 
time of Jeremiah*' and the destruction of the first temple. When the 
Babylonian caj^vity commenced, the Rechabites fled into the deserts, 
some as far as Egypt, where they led a more ascetic life than before, 
and formed themselves into a distinct sect or order. 

How &r this ancient origin of the Essenetic order, and of its identity 
with the Rechabites may be probable, we have yet to see ; but it proves 
enough that its prindples were not those of Christianity, and that it 
was an ancient association in the time of our blessed l^viour and his 
apostles. Furthermore, the orig^ of this sect has been assigned to 
the school of the prophets, of which Samuel, in the di^s of Eli, was 
the founder and principal, in Ramab,* his birth-place. Similar schools 
existed at Beth-El,' Jericho, and <jrilga]. 

The religion and morality of the Jewish people and {uiesthood were at 
a very low ebb in the pontificate of Eli, and the administration of his sons. 
When Samuel became judge of Israel,— for, be it remarked, he was not 
the Pontifex MaximuSj nor of the order Sacerdos^ no^ of the stock of 
Aaron, which alone could entitle him to officiate as a priest, as M. de 
Volney* asserts ; when this reformer of a debased priesthood and an 
unholy self^Jalled theocracy^ to greater purity. Iris mightiest ^orts 
were directed towards improving the morals of the people, and of 
restoring the purity of God's holy religion, which the weak-minded 
Eli and his. profligate sons had^so blotted and defiled^ 

May we not, in passings find some parallel to this passage of Jewish 
history in a portion of that called Christian ? Are not the HUde* 
brands, and the Borg^, and the tenth Leo, and their incestuous and 

• Jad^. L 16. <■ Jet, zzzv. • 1 Sam. ziz. 18-24. ' 2Kin|;8 ii. 8-5. 
' In his treatise * Samuel, the Inyentor of the Sacred Anointing of Kmgs.' 



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172 Correspondence. [April, 

adulterous children typified by Eli and his blasphemous sons ? And 
is not the monk who shook the world, the indomitable Luther, a 
shining example of a Christian Samuel ? Poet, prophet, ruler ! 

To forward these great ends, Samuel is said to have established schools ; 
not schools for babes, but colleges for men, ^*mi3 beni-kil, sons of 
strength ; as the sacred historian records,^ that some of their disciples 
built unto themselves a house, and others offered to make a journey of 
discovery in search of Elijah,' alter his miraculous translation. 

The principal study of the disciples in these schools was the law 
of Moses in all its textual purity, apart from all traditional interpola- 
tions, and oral explanations. That is, the study of the anDie^ pmn 
{torah sebacteb) written law in preference to the HB ^B' mm (torah 
sdH)l peh), the oral, or mouth-expounded law, which laid the founda- 
tions of the niD^T (halackoth), decisions, and nnan (hagadoth), disser- 
tations, and all the absurdities of the mm HiBID {mishnah torah), the 
seconder of the law, the l^ends and fictions of the Talnrad, and the 
Rabbinical doctors, the veritable popery of Judaism. In addition to 
this theological reform, Samuel is also held to have successfully re- 
formed the morals and habits of the people, and to have striven to 
raise them from that mere ritualism into which they had already sunL 
Do we not herein, again, see a striking type of the g^reat reformatioD, 
or rather tlie restoration of the Christian church from the haktchoth and 
hagadothy the popish Elis and Phineases, by the Christian Samuels of 
the Reformation ? The pupils, or, as they were called, ^ sons of the pro- 
phets,' were taught that sacrifices and other external ceremonials were 
not essential to the worship of God, whose service was truth and a devout 
heart In accordance with this doctrine, Samuel, the supposed founder 
of these schools, said,^ * hath Jehovah as great delight in burnt-offerings 
and sacrifices, as in obeying his voice ? to obey is better than sacrifice ;' 
and David, who had perhaps been of these schools, says, in a similar 
spirit, ' sacrifice and offering thou didst not desire ; burnt ofiering and 
sin offering liast thou not required ;' ' and ^ thou desirest not sacrifice ; 
else would I give it: thou delightest not in burnt offerings. The 
sacrifices of God are a brolten spirits a broken and a contrite heart, 
God, thou wilt not despise ;' "* so also Isaiah, * to what purpose is 
^e multitude of your sacrifices unto me ? saith Jehovah ;' " and Hosea, 
' I desired meror and not sacrifice ; and the knowledge of Grod more 
than burnt offerings.' *" These, and other inspired prophets, probably 
proceed from these schools, and taught these pure and spiritual doc- 
trines, and inculcated a knowledge and love of God, and benevol^ice to 
men : the great commandment, ^ the royal Law,' ^ delivered by Jehovah 
6irough Moses, and confirmed by our blessed Saviour *> and his apostles,' 
Paul and James, ' thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself: I am the 
Lord.'* 

»» 2 ^ngs vi. 11. » lb. ii. 16. * 1 Sam. xv. 22, > Ps. xL 6. 

» Pb. li. 16, 17. ■ Chap. 1. 11. • Chap. vi. 6. ^ James ii. 8. 

^ Matt. T. 4a, and xxii. 39. ' Rom. xii. 9 ; Gal. v. 14 ; James iL 8. 
* Lev. xix. 48. 

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1853.] OarresponSence. 173 

If these schools of the prophets were not strictly the founders of 
the Essene sect, or the sect itself, they had many things of similarity. 
These collegiate scltools, as the Scriptures relate, were not erected 
within walleid cities, but near to the borders of fruitful streams, in 
solitary places suited to reflection and devotion, and the disciples dwelt 
in- conununities. So fiur, Mr. de Quincy and the Romanists might 
have sought the origin of monastic institutions in a higher and purw 
source than the later Essenes. 

The ancient Essenes carried out the same principles to the extent of 
abolishing all sacrifices and ceremonial observances ; and cultivated bro* 
therly love, frugality, industry, abstinence frt)m sensuality, from those 
* fleshly lusts which war against the soul,'* truth and sincerity permitting 
no deceit ; reverence to age, cleanliness, making often ablutions and 
purifyingB, patience and fortitude under affliction, unyielding firmness 
in maintaining their principles, not to be shaken by the most excru- 
ciating tortures, and similar virtues. 

No mention b made of the Essenes earlier than the time of Jonathan * 
the Maocabee, but they are spoken of as an ancient well-known sect. 
Both Josephus and Philo, who lived before and afler the destruction 
of the temple at Jerusalem by the Romans, mention this sectj and 
the former belonged to it' for a time, living an ascetic life, under 
the instrucdons [of Banus, an hermit, who lived in the desert, wear- 
ing little clothing, fed on wild fruits, and bathed frequently by 
n^t as well as day, to preserve his chastity. Josephus tried the 
three prevailing sects, and selected that of the Pharisees, which he 
describes as of kin to the Stoics among the Greeks. Josephus, both 
in his autobiography, and in several parts of his ^Antiquities of the 
Jews,' describes the study of philosophy among his countrymen to be 
in the hands of three sects : the Phanisees, the Sadducees, and the 
Essenes, the latter of which aspired to superior sanctity. They were 
Jews by birth, but distinguished themselves, he says, by intense bro- 
therly love, by abstinence frt>m sensual indulgences, which they consi- 
dered the greatest of sins, and the command of their passions and 
desires as the root of all virtue. They did not much value matrimony, 
which gave rise to the observation of the elder Pliny, quoted by your 
correspondent, as to their living without marriage, and without the 
other sex ; but adopted the children of other men, while of tender age 
and capable of receiving first impressions. These children were re- 
gmied as relations, and were educated by them in their own principles* 
This avoidance of matrimony was not intended by them to abolish 
marriage or to hinder the propagation of the human species, in contra- 
vention of the Divine command, ^ increase and multiply,' but to secure 
themselves against the imruly passions of women, of whom they enter- 
tained the opinion^ that they were unable to fulfil the vow of conjugal 
fidelity. 

. They also despised riches, and had a community ofproperty, so that 
no member of the society was richer than another. Whenever any one 

• 1 Pet. ii. 11. ■ Josephus, Antiq., xiii. v. 9. « Life, § ii. 

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174 Corre9p(md€Me, [April, 

desired to joiii the EaseiMB, he was obliged, bj the rales of the order, 
to resign all lus property into the general fund, so that neither indi- 
vidual riches nor poverty was found among them. Anointing widi 
perfumes or aromatic oils was denounced as an impurity ; and if any 
member became so, accidentally, he was to undergo a regular pnrifica- 
tt<m. External cleanliness was enjoined ; they therefore covered th^r 
labouring habiliments, when not at woIi^ with white garments. 

Your learned correspondent, in reply to Neander's objection to the 
existence of the Easenes in tiie time of Christ, from ' the death-like 
silence of the four evangdists and all the apostles,' says, very logically, 
that he does not see bow this non-allusion of the evangelists and 
apostles to the Essenes is a proof of their non-existence as a Jewish 
sect : and fbllows up his proposition with sound ooodusions. But I 
humbly ask, whether, in reference to the abovementioned spotleas white 
garments covering the sordid working clothes of the Essenes, they were 
not among the hypocrites alluded to, although not named, by our blessed 
Saviour when he denounces^ the ' Scribes, Pharisees, hypocrites^ who 
make clean the outside of the cup and of the flatter, but within they 
are full of extortion and exceaa,' and am they *' are like unto whited 
sepulchres, wiiich indeed af^pear beautiml outward, but are within full 
of dead bones, and of all undeaaness V Two of the other evangelists, 
Mark and Luke,' OMncide in this denunciation against the wearers 
of long robes over filthy garments; and you. Sir, have proved 
in your notes to Col. iL 21, Rom« xiv. 2, and Gal. v. 28, that 
the apostle Paul, himself a Pharisee of the strictest sect, the son of 
a Pharisee, and brought up at the feet of Gamaliel, addressed a sect 
of similar tenets to the Essenes, although he names them not; for they 
were too well known in his time, as Josephus, PhUo and Pliny testify, 
to need a naming. 

Herr Beer gives an interesting account of the residences of the 
Essenes, which were dispersed in various parts of Judea, and the 
manner of their travelling from one of these settlements to another. 
They carry nothing with them but arms to protect them against rob- 
bers. Thn precaution would seem unneoeamry, if the (pinion of the 
Boman satirist* holds good, 

' Camtabit vmemu eoram Istroae viator.' 
Carrying neither money, nor change of apparel, they were provided at 
their several stations with all that their bundle necessities required. 
They did not change their garments or sandals till worn out, but 
covered them, as Christ describes, with long white robes, 'whited 
sepulchres.' 

Their sentiments of veneration towards the Deity, he says, were 
exemplary, and instances, amon? other reasons, that before the rising 
of the sun they use no words of secular import ; but, according to the 
custom of their ancestors, they directed certain prayers to that lumi- 
nary, as if they meant to greet its rising. If this custom be not sun- 

y Matt xziii. 25, 26,'S7. ' Bfark xiL 40 ; Luke xz. 47. 

* Javesel, Sat x. var. 82. 



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1853.] Corretpondence. 175 

wor^ip, it is very like it, and they have been changed with it afi idolaters ; 
bat their defenders say, the charge is calumnious and untrue. Their 
prayers, say they, at the rising of the sun, were of the same nature as 
thoee which the Jews, on the appearance of the new moon, address, not 
to the moon, as s(Mne enemies of the Jewish name have accused them 
of doing, but to the Creator of the moon and of the universe. As 
aasertion is not proof either in law or logic, it would have been better 
had the learned advocate produced copies of the two prayers, and we 
could iiave judged lor ourselves. 

After the offering of these prayers, the eldera dismissed the membero, 
who departed to their usual occupations. After uninterrupted labour 
till the fifth hour (11 a.m.) they again assembled, bathed in cold 
water, and wrapped th^nselves in Hnen garments. After this purifica- 
tion they met in the house of assembly, into which none but members 
were achnitted, and the whole society, headed by the elders, entered 
into the refectory as if it were an holy temfde. When seated, which 
was dcme in silence and with order, the baker of the community placed 
b^re each member a loaf, to which the cook added a dish of various 
vegetables. Before and after their frugal meals, they adored the Deity 
as the great dispenser of every good. When coocluded, they laid 
aside their white robes and departed to thdr avocations till night-fall, 
when they assemble togeth^ as before, and sup tcwether in the same 
manner as they had taken their noon-tide meal. 2umy of their rules 
and orders as to charity, alms-giving, obedience to superiois, dders, 
directors^ <&e., are given in Herr Be^s book, but are too long ior my 
already lengthy communication ; but their rules Aht the admission of 
new membears may be admitted. 

Admission to their order was not inunediately granted. The Neophite 
underwent a year's {Hrobation, during which period he was compelled to 
observe the regulations prescribed to candidates. If his compliance 
with the rules of abstinence ftx>m things forbidden by the society was 
satisfactory, the new member was inaugurated by bathing in clear 
water, and in token of his admission into the society, he was presented 
with a small hatchet, an apron and a white robe. He was then admitted 
to the house of assembly, but was not permitted to sit at the board, 
nor to partake of the general meal, till a further probation of two 
years had expired; when, if his character centinved good, and his 
observance of the niles of the order strictly observed, he was adnutted, 
after taking the IbUowiog obligations, to his full degree of member of 
the society, and to take his seat as such at the general board: — 1. 
That he would venerate the Deity, act justly and uprightly to every 
man, and never, eith^ of his own accord, or at the mstigaticm or 
bidding of any one, do wrong or injury to any human being. 2. That 
he would shun the wicked and su|^rt the good, act with sincerity to 
every man, and be sted&st in his sJlegiance to his sovereign, because 
crown and sceptre, and regal power, were bestowed on no man but by 
the will of God. 3. That if it should ever be his fortune to attain any 
eminence in rank or power, he was not to become arrogant, nor to 
afiect any distinction mm his inferiors either by the splendour of his 

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176 Carretpcmdence, [April, 

garments, or by the pride of his demeanour. 4. That he was at all 
times to keep his hands from theft, his lips fix>m lying, and his heart 
from evil desires. 5. That he would never conceal any thing from the 
elders of the society ; nor, under any circumstances, even under the 
most excruciating torments, reveal any of its secrets, nor divulge their 
doctrines and canonical books, or the names of the angels. 

Herr Beer next proceeds to the correction, punishment, and expul- 
sion of offending members, which he says is dreadful in the extreme, 
and of the reception of them when truly penitent He notes their addic- 
tion to reflection and research, and their laudable endeavours to prevent 
litigation and to ac^ust disputes. Next to the Deity, their greatest 
veneration was for their lawgiver, and whoever reviled his authority 
was put to death. Who tliis legislator was, our learned expositor of 
the Jewish sects does not say. If they were followers of the school of 
the prophets, mentioned in the early part of this letter, it must have 
been Moses, and their canonical books the five books of the Torah ; 
but if, as just related, they were bound by oath^ as Josephus says, ot 
by solemn obligation, according to Philo, who says they never took 
oaths, never to divulge their esoteric doctrines to any one, this leg^ 
lator, doctrines and books, were known only to themselves. Although 
Josephus informs us, in his auto-biography, that he h|ui invfstigated 
every sect of the Jews, it is clear from liis own accoupt, that having 
devoted but three years, under his master Banus, to the whole, he was not 
initiated into the third or highest degree of the mysteries of the I^ssenes, 
and was therefore acquainted with their dogmata only as &r as was 
communicated in the first derree or year of probation. ' As a proof of 
their obedience to the law of Moses, I may cite, that all authorities 
allow them to have been distinguished above all other Jews by their 
strict observance of the Sabbath, not only in its religious duties, but in 
abstaining from every kind of labour and in preparing their frugal 
meals on the preceding day. In the wars between the Romans tuid 
the Jews, the courage and the constancy of this sect are oflen recorded, 
and the honours paid to them by Herod and other princes, and their 
skill in predicting friture events, are often mentioned. The story of 
the prediction to Herod, when a school-boy, that he should liecome a 
king, by Menahem, an Essene ; and of the murder of Aristobjilus, by 
his brother, predicted by Judas, another Essene, recorded by Jpsephus, 
and similar events, show that this faculty was believed in the time of 
Josephus, and probably by the great Jewish historian himseli Herr 
Beer describes another class of Essenes, who differed from the preced- 
ing, chiefly in allowing and conmiending marriage ; first eausipg their 
intended wives to undergo a three year^ probation in their sept, for- 
bidding mixed marriages. 

Phih) relates that the leading principle of the Essenes was, that 
God can only be worshipped in the Spirit and in truth ; by inward 
virtue, not by external observances ; and that virtue consists in pure 
and disinterested love of God and of our neighbours. They rejected 
sacrifices and all ceremonial rites ; not only, he afiHrms, those enjoined 
by tradition, or the oral law ; but those also which are oommanded by 

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1853.] Correspondence. 177 

Moses in the Torah, or written law. In other respects he agrees with 
Josephus, but differs as to oaths and asseverations, which he says were 
prohibited, as they were by the Pythagoreans, because they considered 
it derogatory to the veneration due to the Supreme Being to appeal to 
him as a witness in mundane affairs ; and that every man shoiild con- 
duct himself so, that his simple affirmation should be held worthy of all 
credence. There are other differences between the accounts of this 
singular sect by Josephus and Philo, which are ably stated and com- 
pared in Herr Beer's history, well worth referring to. 

One branch of the Essenes devoted themselves entirely to con- 
templation, and were called by the Hellenic Jews Therapeutes. 
This section was most numerous in Egypt, especially in and about 
Alexandria, where they were distinguished by their fondness for spe- 
culative studies. They avoided society, not from misanthropy, but 
through the fear of worldly contamination. The effects of these 
frequent fastings, combined with the heat of the climate, were a con- 
tinued reverie, with frequent convulsions ; in which state they fancied 
they beheld visions, and were translated into other worlds, much after 
the mode described by Mr. de Quincy in his ^ Confessions of an Opium- 
eater,' and the opiated Orientals of the present day. 

On the sabbath they assembled in a large Monasterion, in which the 
men were separated from the women by a partition. The chief of the 
elders present delivered an oration, which was listened to with the 
greatest attention. These discourses and expositions of difficult pas- 
sages in holy writ, propounded and discussed by all who chose to join, 
after dinner, were chiefly allegorical, for they believed the Scriptures, 
like man, were composed of body and soul, the outward letter and the 
inward spirit. The meal and discussion were closed harmoniously, by 
the presiding elder singing an hymn, in which the brethren joined in 
chorus, and the male and female singers, each under their own leader, 
sang alternately verses of hymns and responses in songs of praise and 
thanksgiving to the Deity, till the rising of the sun, when every one 
retired to his cell to meditate on the discourse and expositions of the 
preceding day. 

After the days of Philo, the Essenes are but little mentioned. 
Epiphanius, a father of the Christian Church, preserves some notices of 
them, which are rather contradictory. He relates, that in the reign of 
Hadrian, a teacher named Elksai arose among them, who taught the 
doctrine of expediency, in times of danger and persecution, to yield to 
necessity and compulsion, and pay external adoration to idols, provided 
the inward purpose of the soul was directed to the true God, the 
Creator of heaven and earth. Epiphanius also relates, that in the reign 
of Constantine, there lived two sisters, Martha and Marthona, who. 
were held in high esteem by the Essenes of that period. Their touch, 
particularly that of Martha, was considered a sovereign remedy against 
all disease. The sect continued, with manifold innovations of doctrine 
and practice, till the reign of Justinian, after which no records of either 
the Essenes or Therapeutes are to be found. It is probable, as 
many have thought, that during the persecution of the Jews under 

VOL. IV.— NO. VII. K 



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178 Carrespandenee. [Aprfl, 

that emperor, they took shelter in the Christiaii Chareh, with which 
their doctrines and practice more agreed than with those of the trsMii- 
tional Jews. 

This sect is not mentioned in the Talmiid, although many traces of 
their doctrines are found in tliat voluminous compilation. This silence 
probably arose from the Essenes taking no part in public life ; and, 
like the Sadducees, being opposed to aU the oral traditions of that sect, 
which, opposed to the Textarians, founded the school of Talmiidists, 
Mishnaists, rabbinical doctors, and other perverters of the Law and 
the Prophets. Whatever praise may be due to the Stoics is equally 
due to the Essenes, with greater virtue and morality, and a greater 
knowledge of the one true God. 

The nuudms and esoteric belief of both these eastern and western 
sects were inoontrovertibly borrowed £rom the books of Moses and 
the Prophets, confirmed and supported by Jesus Christ and his Apostles, 
with a purer practice and more spiritual belief; and show how little 
teachers of morality have added to this ancient one, true religion, 
except to repeat in other words what they have found in the Bible. 

I have trespassed far beyond the bounds in which I restricted myself^ 
when I began this epistle, although I have condensed to my utmost, 
and omitted some interesting passages, as you may conceive; but 
permit me to ask of you, or of your excdlent correspondent P. S^ 
whether Juvenal in his sixth satire, verse 542 et seq., does not allude to 
the dreamy, prophetic oracular Essenes, in speaking of the Jews and 
Chaldeans, taking a part for the whole ? It is true he alludes to the 
Jewkh women, but may he not do so by a synecdoche ? 

* Arcaoam Judflse tremeas raendicat in aarem, 
InterprM kgum SolTmarum, et magna saoerdot 
Arboris, ac gumma nda internuncia coeli. 
Implet et ilia manum, sed parciiis, lere minuto ; 
Qoaliacnnque voles Judsi somnia vendunt. 
Spondet amatorem tenerom, vel difitis orbi 
Testamentum indent, calido) pulmone columbe 
Tractato, Armemua vel Comagenos haruspex 
Pectora pullorum rimatar, et exta catelli, 
Interdum et pueri.' Faciet anod deferat ipse. 
ChaldflRS sed major erat fidacia : quicqaid 
Dixerit Astrologus, credent k lonte relatum 
Ammonia ; quoniara Delphis oraoula o«ssant» 
Et genos humanum damnat caligo futuri/ 

I have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your very obedient servant, 

Jamss Elmbs. 
Oreenwiehj March UM, 1853. 

* * Tea, they sacrificed their sons and their daughters unto devils.'— Ps. cvi. 37. 



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1858.] OinreyHmdenoi. 179* 

ON MATTHEW XIX. 12. 

DsAB SiR)'— In the quotation animaAlTeirted upon by your oorre' 
spondent J. O. K., I iind he has only g^ven part of the words from 
Neander, as written in the article he quotes fronti— the (xnitted part is 
as follows : — ' This deciaicm, therefore, was of^posed not only to th^ 
old Hebrew notion that celibacy was per se ignominious ; but also to 
the ascetic doctrine which made it per se a superior condition <>f life/ 
I do not think that, in giving this aexae to our Lord's words, any com* 
mentator can be guilty of the charge of interpolation. Tour corre* 
spondent, however, b of a difkreat opinion, for he says, ^Unless 
therefore we inierpokUe our Lord's words, he neither approves nor 
condemns the eunuchism of which he is speaking.' He then proceeds 
to affirm that the Saviour's concluding wcnrds * appear rather to approve 
of such an eunuchism,' viz., that for the kingd6m of heaven's sake^ ^ if 
circumstances demand it, and provided a man be capable of praotistng 
it.' The interpretation Dr. Macknight g^ves to the words seems to h^ 
one that is adapted to the text ; it is as follows : — ' It is fiilse to f^Srm 
that our Lord recommends celibacy. He only gives permission for it 
as a thing lawful, telling them, that if they were able to live conti- 
nently, they would not sin though they did not marry^ especially as 
the tnnes they lived in were times of persecution.' {^Harmony of ike 
Pour Gospels*) Certainly those who can refirain from marriage are 
perfectly capable of becoming zealous and determined missionaries; 
but I cannot for a single moment think, that by so doing they can (as 
your correspondent would have us to believe) in an^ way be more 
devoted * to the preaching of the kingdom of heaven/ than those who 
have not renounced that companionship which the poet says, ^ cheers 
Bfe's latest stage.' If celibacy enables Christians ' to devote them-* 
selves more fnlly to the preaching of the kingdom of God,' then the 
apostles and disciples are no longer to be conndered, as they generally 
are, the most zealous missionaries that ever lived, for some of them 
did not ^ do violence to one of the strongest of human passions.' The 
instances which prove this assertion are, 1st. The case of St. Petes. 
That he was a married man is evident from Matt. viii. 14, where it is 
stated that our Lord cured his wife's mother of a fever ; yet he was the 
means of converting in one single day ' about three thousand souls ' 
(Acts ii. 41.), and according to an ancient tradition he 'published 
the gospel to the Jews scattered through Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, 
Asia, and Bithynia ' (Neander's Planting, Ac, vol. i. p. 378, Bohn's 
edit.). If Peter was not ' the zealous imd determined missionary,' 
then such an individual is yet to appear on the stage of human life« 
2nd. The other apostles mentioned as being married men by the 
Apostle Paul in 1 Cor. ix. 5. * Have we not power to lead about a 
sister, a wife, as well as other apostles, and as the brethren of the 
Lord, and Cephas ?* Surely if celibacy gave greater liberty to pro- 
pagate the gospel, Paul would not have so strongly claimed his jost 
rights. 3rd. The case mentioned in Acts xxi. 8, 9. In these verses it 
is stated, that Philip, one of the seven deacons, called afterwards an 

N 2 



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180 Correspondence. [April, 

evangelist, had a £unily of four daughters ; this circumstance, how- 
ever, did not hinder him from being ^ the instrument of bringing the 
first seeds of the gospel into Ethiopia,' and from publishing the same 
gospel < in the dties of Palestine, on the southern and northern coasts 
of the Mediterranean' (Neander's Planting, &c., vol. i. p. 64). 
Such then is the evidence of history to the success of married apostles 
in their missionary labours ; and I hesitate not to say that such success 
was owing greatly to their being allowed to enjoy the privilege of 
marriage, as it added to their domestic comfort, and no doubt consi- 
derably aided in introducing the gospel into quarters where it was 
likely never to be received through the instrumentality of men. We 
have more instances recorded in history, proving that the married mis- 
sionaries are far more zealous and successful in their calling than those 
who prefer a single life. But your correspondent is of opinion that 
our Lord's forerunners are referred to in the verse under consideration, 
because some of them lived in voluntary celibacy. Now one would 
think that those who try to obtain the probable number of ^ the dis- 
ciples of our Lord's forerunner, John the Baptist, who were willing to 
renounce the endearments of domestic life,' are able to state a few 
recorded instances at least This, however, they cannot do, and until 
they are able to do so, we must consider all that is said about the celi- 
bacy of John's disciples as having no foundation in &ct, and the hypo- 
thesis as one of the most untenable that ever entered into a critic's 
brain. He then proceeds to find fiiult with the assertion that ' all the 
best commentators are of opinion that the contemplative Essenes are 
here alluded to, simply because certain commentators named by him 
are not of this opinion. If I had said ' all the best conunentators 
without exception,' then certainly the assertion would be objectionable ; 
but seeing Uie question, who are to be considered the best commen- 
tators, is one entirely of opinion, I do not think those of your readers, 
few in number I hope, ^ who are unaccustomed, or unable to think or 
to examine for themselves,' are in danger of being misled. Not only 
is the opinion maintained by Dr. Clarke and Euthymius, but it is also 
that of Blomfield, Home, Barnes, i&c. I cannot understand how the 
hypothesis which J. C. K. defends, viz., that those who despised marriage 
and <the comforts of domestic life in gaieral ' for the kingdom of heaven's 
sake, receives ' honourable recognition ' from our Saviour, can at all 
^ satisfiu^rily account for the employment of the figure.' Jesus Christ 
used the term Eunuch, simply because it conveyed hb meaning, seeing 
it sig^nifies the supjn'ession of the desire. ' The amputation of the 
desire,' says Macknight, ' not the manber, is meant in the phrase made 
themselves eunuchs. And in this sense it is used by rabbinical 
writers. This then is just the reason why Christ used the figure, and 
commentators would therefore have little to justify them in asserting 
more than that, 'in Matt xix. 12, the term '^ eunuch" is applied 
figuratively to persons naturally impotent." If the hypothesis so 
z^ously mfuntained by J. C. K. be correct ; if Jesus Christ in his 

* Kitto's Cyclopsedia, art. 'Eunuch.' 

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1853-] Correspondence. 181 

words approve (and not, as I still maintain, condemn) of ascetic celi- 
bacy * for the kingdom of heaven's sake/ then we must admire, and no 
longer censure him ^ who in shirt of hair and weeds of canvass dressed,* 
has his dwelling in a recess of some rude rock far remote from the ha- 
bitation of man, seeing that by so doing he thinks he has purchased 
heaven and proved his title good. The man who passed his whole life 
in one of the monasteries of the Levant, and who never saw a woman, 
nor had ^any idea what sort of things women were, or what they 
looked like ' (Curzon's Monasteries of the Levant, p. 427), is to be 
considered according to such an hypothesis as worthy of the highest 
praise ; and living in voluntary abstinence ' for the kingdom of hea- 
ven's sake,' he of all men is capable of being ^ the zealous and deter- 
mined missionary!' 

Before concluding this letter, let me briefly remark that your corre- 
spondent J. E. is fully entitled to the gratefiU thanks of all the readers 
of the ' Journal of Sacred Literature,' for having so completely refuted 
the dogmatic assertions of the writer of the article on ' Hades and 
Heaven,' W. H. J. ; and I have only to add, that in maintaining the 
following proposition, ' The customary phraseology that the soul, when 
it quits the body, goes at once either to heaven or to hell — seems to be 
modem and unscriptural,' the latter writer is not only wrong, but 
entirely mistaken ; and I hesitate not to say that his dictatorial asser- 
tions can only be defended by ignoring historical facts. For let any 
of your readers refer to ' The Confession of Faith of the Westminster 
Assembly of Divines,' approved by the General Assembly of the 
Church of Scotland in its Act of date August 27, 1647 (206 years 
ago), and he will find the following declaration in the 1st Section of 
the 32nd Chapter : — ' The bodies of men after death return to dust, 
and see corruption (Gen. iii. 19; Acts xiii. 36) ; but their souls (which 
neither die nor sleep), having an immortal subsistence, immediately 
return to God who gave them/ &c (Luke xxiii. 43 ; Ecd. xii. 7.) 
Few of your readers, not excepting J. B., who wishes so earnestly to 
break down ' the barriers set up by our Grentile Talmudism,' will, I 
am sure, suppose that such men as Lightfoot, Henderson, BaUlie, Ru- 
therford, Gillespie, &c.,^ would g^ve their sanction to the above propo- 
sition if they believed it to be unscriptural, and surely what those 
eminent divines declared to be in the Word of God, ought not to be 
stigmatized as ' vulgar phraseology.' 

February 4, 1853. P. S. 

*> These and 187 others were the nmnber of divines who composed the West- 
minster Aasembly. 



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183 0()rr€9p(md&noe, [Ajnil^ 



LAW OF MARRIAGE, 

Sib, — Some of your able correspondents or contributors would, I 
venture to suggest, be doing good serrice to the Christian world, by 
instituting a comprehensive and impartial inquiry into the limits of 
the scriptural prohibitions of marriases of consanguinity and affinity. 
It is not too much to say that this has never been done. No trust- 
worthy exposition of this subject could be expected from those who 
declared the marriage of priests contrary to the wUl of God, and 
regarded marriage Itself as impure, compared with celibacy. Nor can 
we receive the diicta of those who invented or perpetuated restrictions, 
in order that the fees of dispensation might swell the treasury of the 
church. 

Equally unworthy of reliance would be the parasitical, venal, or 
compulsory opinions given to serve the purposes of princes, or patch the 
pedigrees of nobles. Before mankind can obey the divine will, they 
must know clearly what it is, through pure channels of interpretation. 
What is required is a candid and thorough examination of this whole 
subject, not to establish a preconceived opinion, but to demonstrate the 
truth, without consideration of consequences, or regard to party inte- 
rests. The fi)llowing are some of the points which must be strictly 
investigated in the course of this inquiry. 

1. The true scope and meaning of Leviticus xviii., and cognate 
passages of the Old Testament. This would involve evidences of the 
general design of the law from historical illustration of the ' doings of 
the land of Egypt,' and the ^ doings of the land of Canaan,' denounced, 
compared with the uncondemned practice of the patriarchs, and subse- 
quently of the Jews ; the critical definition of the terms employed ; the 
separate consideration of each prohibition, whether of consanguinity or 
affinity ; exceptions and limitations, with their probable reasons ; the 
authority for extending the prohibition to cases not expressed, but re- 
garded as parallel ; and the consideration of what is necessary to con- 
stitute cases really parallel ; the whole results exhibited in a table of 
the marriages r^anled as divinely prohilnted to the Jews. 

2. The inquiry how far these prohibitions can be shown to be bind- 
ing on mankind at laree. 

3. The further enquiry whether there is any thin^ in the New Testa- 
ment which can be proved to have the effect of momfying these prohi- 
bitions. 

And 4. Whether there is any thing in the Scripture restricting the 
riffht of the church or of the civil government to interfere, fiindamen- 
tiuly, with the marriage contract. 

I hope that some of your learned contributors may be induced to 
devote their attention to this matter. The question is effectually 
raised in the public mind, not only in this countiy, but throughout the 
world, and the sooner it receives a satis&ctory solution the better. 

J. S. 



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1853.] (J<]TTe9(p(mAm(». 188 



HIPPOLYTUS AND HIS TIMES. 

Sib, — I have noticed in your valuable Journsd for January a 
mistake, which (as it regards a matter of fact) your love of truthi\ilness 
will I trust incline you to correct in another number. In the review 
of * Hippolytus and his Times,' the reviewer says : — ' Baptism of chil- 
dren had only begun to be practised in some countries, being defended 
in the time of TertuUian and Hippolytus merely as an innovation ; but 
infant baptism was not known. On this interesting point we refer to 
the third volume, where the subject is treated more correctly than in 
any other work. Even Neander has felled to perceive the true sense of 
certain passages in Origen and TertuUian. Here fob the fibst 
TIME THE THING IS CLEARED UF. Tertulliau speaks of the baptism 
of growing children (parvuli), and pleads for delay till they be able to 
take the vo^s upon themselves, &c.' 

It would appear from this that no previous writer had understood 
Tertullian's objections to refer to children of a few years old, and not 
to unconscious babes. Yet any one that will take the trouble of ex- 
amining Robert Robinson's 'History of Baptism,' published about 
A.D. 1790, may see that this is precisely the sense in which he uuder- 
stands the matter. In chap. 21 of the abovementioned history, the 
first words are : — * Few writers have been so often quoted in the con- 
troversy concerning infant baptism as TertuUian, and yet the subject 
is not so much as mentioned by this father. They are boys and not 
babes, of whose baptism he writes.' 

The subject of chap. 24 is, — * The Reduction of Baptism in the 
East, fW>m Men to Minors, and from Minors to Babes.' 

Of which the sections are, — * New Testament Baptism, or the Bap* 
tism of Men and Women, p. 222. Egyptian Baptism, or the Baptism 
of Minors, p. 223. Jerusalem Baptism, or the Baptism of Catechu- 
mens, p. 234. Greek Baptism, or the Baptism of Little Ones, 
p. 246.' 

Though I much disapprove of some things in * Robinson's History,* yet 
as a work of laborious research it is not unworthy of careful perusal ; 
and in the particular instance referred to by the reviewer, the English- 
man takes precedence of the German by sixty years at least I have 
no national predilections or prejudices to cherish, but I ask that justice 
may be done to the small as well as to the great, — to Robinson as well 
as to Niebuhr or Bunsen. 

O. J. H. 



Totm> vp&roif yivcitmovTSf Sri iraiaa ir^o^rs/« ypaprif Ulaf iiriXdaews 
od y/ygrai.— 2 Pet. i. 20. 

While we would not alter or misinterpret one word of the Holy 
Scripture for the sake of fevouring or opposing any existing opinion, it 
is important and needful that, when any opinion which we deem a per- 

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184 (Jorre9p(mdence. [Ajwil, 

nicious error owes its existence or main support to a mistake in trans- 
lation, that mistake should, if possible, be clearly pointed out and 
csorrected. The passage cited above is the chief argument from Scrip- 
ture used by the Romanists for discouraging the indiscriminate circula- 
tion of the Bible, and the right of all to judge of the meaning of its 
contents. If on a careful and candid examination, it should appear 
that the apostle has no reference whatever to that subject in the words 
of this verse, the enquiry in its result will amply repay the labour. 

The radical signification of ylvofiai, is, to ' come into being ;* (See 
Passow by Lid. and Scott : ich entstehe, Rest) Conformably to this, 
the present tense regularly has the force of comes, becomesy occurs ; 
rather than of denoting merely the fact of existence, like the verb elfxL 
If this remark is correct, we must keep it in view in our explanation of 
the passage. No prophecy, <&c., comes of private interpretation. 
That an interpretation may ' come ' of a prophecy is likely enough ; 
but that a prophecy should * come ' of an interpretation, strikes one 
as a rather singular use of words. But is the word l^ias best trans- 
lated by ^private?* and does 'interpretation' correctly express the 
meaning of iTnXvtreios? The adjective ihiog is in general rendered 

* own ' in our version of the New Testament, and we think that word 
would best express its meaning here. Even the «:ar' i^lay, ' in private,' 

* apart,' probably originates in the ellipsis of ohlayy or some such word, 
' his own house.' But if we can with tolerable certainty discover the 
real force of intKvtncj the application of the adjective may be more 
easily understood. 

The radical import of kviXvtng is manifestly on-loosing, disclosure, 
or, as we say, unloosing, opening up.* 'O he MaKpivoQ «caO' avror ytvo- 
ufvoc, rdc Tt SXXac CTriXucrai ifl-KrroXac* ic.r.X. (Herodian, iv. 23.) 
Here the verb is used for the opening of letters. The same verb occurs 
in the New Testament, Acts xix. 39, where the versions generally under- 
stand it in the sense of ' determined' or ' decided' : ky rjf ivyofi^ iKKkritri^ 
EiriXvdiiaerai : ' It shall be determined in a lawful assembly.' I have not 
been able to find an instance of the use of either the noun or verb in the 
Septuagint, though Park hurst by mistake says that it is in Gen. xli. 12 ; 
but that is probably in Aquila's version, not the Septuagint. In Mark 
iv. 34, it is used in the sense of * explain ' or * expound,' or perhaps 

* disclose ' : ' He disclosed all things,' &c. 

The Greek versions of the Old Testament by Symmachus and Tbeo- 
dotion do however make use of the noun and the participle as a transla- 
tion of the Hebrew D^p'J^ (Biel, Lex. Sept sub voce) ; and it is worthy 
of special observation that in the same verse (Hos. iii. 4) the Septuagint 
has the word A^Xot, which is likewise used in that translation for the 
Dn^K and D^©ri (Num. xxvii. 21 ; Deut. xxxiii. 8). The version of 
Synmiachus may be wrong in thus rendering* D^^^, but it certainly 
suggests that he used eviXvaic in regard to that which is supposed to 
disclose or deliver a prophetic communication. In one line of jEschylus 
the noun occurs twice : iiriXvaiy 0o/3ii>v htiXvtnv hihov. ('Eirra evi 94/3<ic, 

' Ck>mp•re^va'cu tAj fnppayHat, Rev. v. 2, 5. 

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1858.] O&rrwpcndmce, 185 

1. 134, edit Abrams, Oxon., a.d. 1844.) Here it is used in the sense of 
' deliverance ' or * delivery.' 

Now on these premises I submit to your consideration, and that of 
your readers, that the translation of this verse ought to be : ^ Knowing 
this first that no propheg' of the Scripture comes of (men's) own dis- 
closure/ or ' delivery/ This is quite in harmony with the train of the 
Apostle's argument, in which he is proving what he had just affirmed, 
that they had a very sure word of prophecy, and well adapted to pro- 
duce conviction and faith ; since in the outset they know and acknow- 
ledge that ' sure word * to have been delivered not by human invention, 
but by divine inspiration. 

The editor of the < Emphatic New Testament' thinks the literal 
meaning is, that no prophecy of the Scripture is of peculiar interpreta- 
tion — that b, peculiiau: interpretation separcUe or apart from that of 
other passages of Scripture : all must be consistent ; and no text of 
Scripture rightly understood can be at variance with any other text of 
Scripture.' (Introduction, p. 56). This no doubt b quite true in 
regard to every part of the Oracles of God, whether prophetical, histori- 
cal, devotional, or didactic. But this explanation overlooks the proper 
force of yiveraiy and does not appear to me so consistent with the con- 
text as that which I have attempted to give. Either of them, however, 
sets aside the notion that the Apostle Peter intended to prohibit the 
interpretation of the Scripture by private men. 

Oswaldtunstle, Feb. 28, 1853. J. H. 



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186 N(f(ioe9 of Boolu. [April, 



NOTICES OF BOOKS. 



The PropkeU and Kmgs <^ike Old Testament : A Series of Sermom 
preached in the Chapel of Lincoln's Inn, By Fbbdewck Db- 
HJDBON Maubice, Chaplain of Liiiooln's Inn, and Professor of Din- 
nity in King's College, London. Cambridge: Mac Millan and CJa 
1853. 

It is not easy to criticise the volxime of which the above is the title. 
Regarded as a collection of sennons, it would awaken the inquiry what 
a sermon strictly is, of what elements a congregation is composed, what 
are the spiritual wants which it is required to meet ; and in so doing, 
would convince us that as such they are scarcely adapted to their pur- 
pose. They make but slight profession of instructing the ignorant, 
arousing the careless, or showing the sinner the way of salvation. 
Neither are they to be studied as a manual of theology. The prophets 
of the Old Testament did assuredly proclaim the entire Gospel to the 
world, and however obscurely their message might at times be framed, 
it contained the genu at least of all truth. The kings, too, were ex- 
amples of the working of truth upon human hearts, either in its recep- 
tion or rejection. It is therefore quite possible that a volume professing 
to take for its basis the inspired histories and prophecies which such a 
title implies, might be made a vehicle of developing the whole range of 
inspired truth. But we do not demand of Professor Maurice more than 
he has chosen to g^ve. His volume is one that ought to be read with- 
out prejudice and judged alone by its professions. It is an admirable 
critical history of the Hebrew polity during the period in which it pre- 
sented a more settled aspect. The author has laboured successfully Iq 
working out a great thought which has evidently found much £ivour 
with certain of his own friends and admirers, whose works have been 
noticed in this Journal. We are not sure that we fully d^cribe this 
thought by styling it the identity of theocratic government in all dis- 
pensations. ' The Lord reigneth,' says the Professor in almost every 
page, and a grand and precious truth is this to every Christian mind. 
But before we can pronounce the complete resemblance of circum- 
stances of a modem potentate with those of a Jewish king, we must 
either revive the divine-right theories in £ivour of the one, or strip the 
other of certain of those miraculous appliances with which we have 
been accustomed to invest him. The latter method is that to which the 
mind of this writer has a tendency more or less avowed. The instances 
of divine interference which occur so often in the narrative, though ad- 
mitted by him as such, are nevertheless somewhat explained away as 
being no more than consistent with those laws by which the framew(»k 
of things is regulated. The covenant existing between God and the 
chosen nation, sealed as it was with the appointed rite in each male 

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1858.] NotieeB of Book$. 187 

individual, pnnnulgated in the first instance by rairaeks, wonders, and 
signs, its divine features kept in remanbranee by temple services, its 
holy sanctions enforced by prophets and seers, and its rupture signally 
involving the whole nation in punishment, is nevertheless almost iden- 
tified with the covenant which binds a modem people to the God of 
heaven. So also the functions of the prophet are set before us, divested 
in some degree of that preternatural character which seems to belong 
to them. The visions of the Almighty doubtless worked upon their 
ima^nations, and the divine utterances were woven in the very fiibric 
of their minds : there were schools of the prophets beyond a doubt, and 
the holy men themselves associated with the mass of the people and 
adopted ordinary modes of acquiring knowledge ; but we might err in 
la3ring too much stress on the power of the intellect and the play of the 
^mcy, and the familiarity with public events by which they were cha- 
racterised, if the inspiration with which they were confessedly endowed 
is thereby to be withdrawn in any measure firom the view. We cannot 
approve of the following remarks relating to this subject : — 

' Nor did the prophet seek to draw any special wonder to himself as an impro- 
riser, though he might be called upon to speak out at once on ffreat emergencies 
that which had been pat into his neart. But the sole power which the prophet 
pooflosoed of deolarmg thai uthioh should fr#, arose firom his knowledge of that which had 
been, and which was. He meditated in the law of the Lord, and in that law did he 
exerdaa himself day and night.' — P« 141. 

This tendency of the writer, which we would endeavour impartially 
to describe, serves as a caution in perusing his masterly pages : in other 
respects we see much to admire. There is no irreverence in the style, 
but everywhere may be discerned the working of a vigorous intellect 
held in check by a manly piety, and putting forth solid truth in a tone 
of practical humility. No one can read the book without liking the 
man. His position is oflen aggressive, and it devolves upon him to 
clear away vast accumulations of prejudice ; but there is a gentleness 
in the treatment which disarms hostility, as well as an elaboration of 
the argument which renders it hard to find the fiaw. The errors of the 
work, if such they may be called, are negative rather than positive, and 
are to be suspected by infierence rather than indicated by direct citation. 

The volume has very much more continuity of plan than is oflen 
secured in collections of sermons, however closely connected they may 
be. This is owing to the sequence of the inspired history of the kings 
being closely adhered to. We have a deeply interesting review of the 
events of their reigns, and as in the Jewish dispensation, when the 
theocratic element entered largely into the national polity, the prophets 
were oentsal lights, the author of this volume has taken occasion to 
expound with a pecuHar clearness the connection of the prophecies 
with the history. This is a task that has not often been attempted, and 
even if it could be proved that such investigations are not lacking to 
cniT Biblical literature, it is very evident that they have not hitherto 
taken any distinct hoM of the public mind. Most persons read the 
writhigs of those inc^red men of GU)d in a devotional, a poetical, or in 
an evangelioid aspect — how fbw examine thdr historical bearing! 



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188 Notice of Books. [AprU, 

Schleiennacher ininself speaks of the Old Testament as though its chief 
and only use were to throw light upon the New, implying that it has 
small value as an independent revelation. There are many whose ac- 
quaintance with the writings of the prophets and historians might be 
measured with some accuracy by the references in the margins of their 
New Testaments. We sympathise with the conviction to which Mr. 
Maurice refers as fixing itself deeply in his own mind, ^ that the Old 
Testament ought to be read much more simply and according to the 
letter than we are used to read it ; that we have not made its applica^ 
tion to our individual cases more clear by overlooking its envious 
national characteristics ; that if we had g^ven heed to them we should 
have found an interpretation of some of the g^reatest difficulties in his- 
tory and in the condition of the world around us.' It is evident to the 
impartial inquirer, and on this fact the preacher has laid great stress, 
that even the prophecies which are more strictly ' evangelical ' related 
to the times then present, and can only be understood by examining the 
sense in which they would be received by the Jewish minds to which 
they were addressed. The sign given to Ahaz, the prophecy ' Unto us 
a Son is bom,' the apostrophe, ^ How art thou fsdlen from heaven, 
Lucifer, son of the morning,' the promise, ' I will pour out my Spirit 
upon all flesh,' are shown in the volume before us to have been signi- 
ficant even to a generation which could never have witnessed their 
complete fulfilment. The g^eat principles of which the Jewish history 
afibnls the amplest illustrations, and which this far-seeing writer has 
not failed to place in marked prominence, are the theocratic element of 
all earthly government and the perpetual discrepancy between idolatry 
and the maintenance of a divine covenant. These may be traced, as 
the Professor has traced them, from the elevation of Saul to the Baby- 
lonish captivity. As we have remarked that there may be danger of 
denying that which was miraculous and exceptional to natural order in 
the history of the Jewish kings and prophets, we would now on the 
other hand insist upon the perpetuity in all ages of what many would 
fail to recognise, a particular providence governing human afl^rs, the 
divine obligations of kings and peoples, and the identity with idolatry 
of the sins of which even Christian nations are guilty. Though fire 
does not descend in our days from heaven to consume the transg^ressor, 
there are methods in which the holiness of divine law is vindicated. 

* Moral laws,' says Mr. Maurice, ' though they are as powerfhl defenders of 
themselTes as natural laws, do not defend themselTes in the same way. Human 
beings, voinntary creatures, are the instruments of carrying out the one, as the 
hidden powers in sea, or earth, or fire, are of fulfilling the other. A personal 
God dealing with men, will employ men as the agents and executors of his pur- 
pose. The man least likely to be so employed may reoeive the commission: but 
m general we look for some circumstances which shall manifestly prqiare and de- 
note a specific person for the task.'— P. 92. 

Such is one of a series of remarks by which the author ushers in the 
histoiT of the rending of the tribes, the great schism of Jeroboam the 
son of Nebat. This kui been predicted some time previously by Aiujah 
the Shilomite. The sins of Solomon had been the great provocative. 
It was a mysterious feature of the history, and one which has fr^om that 

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day till now impressed an ineffaceable mark on the posterity of Israel. 
Those ten trib^ are, we believe, in existence and yet to be revealed ; 
but they are hidden. Now the rending of the tribes was an act wrought 
by human wickedness, though ordained by God as a special punishment ; 
it seemed to set aside the divine promise and cause a disruption of the 
divine order and government, and yet it was over-ruled to stil] higher 
purposes, and formed an element in a yet loftier plan of government. 
In commenting upon those complex problems, of which tins is a notable 
example, the clearness of thought of this valuable writer shines out. 

' Not as if he were the author of those acts which have their source in the evil 
will. They are by their very definition and nature resistances to his will, rebel- 
lions against it. Sat as they work out their own sentence and condemnation, 
they become the reluctant servants of Him with whom they are fighting ; they are 
not only foils to His righteousness, they actually help, as Scripture expresses it, 
to turn righteousness into judgment, to make the truth which they are denying 
manifest for their own age and for all ages to come. Deep and un&thomable 
mystery, worthy to be meditated on by those who are fighting with evil upon 
eaxih, and by those who have won the victory ; the kev to all the puzzles of his- 
tory, the comfort and consolation amid the overwhelminff evils which we see 
around us and feel within us; the deliverance at once ftrom the debasing Pantheism 
which teaches that sin is only another form of righteousness — wrong^ only an as- 
pect of right— and from the Manichffiism which would lead us to think that evil 
may at la^ triumph, or hold a divided empire with God. The wrath of man has 
praised Him and will always praise Him ; Sin and Death and Hell must do Him 
continual homage now, and will be led as His victims and ^ce His triumph when 
His glory is fuffy revealed. But neither now nor then will they ever blend with 
His works, or be shown to have their origin in Him, or be known as anything but 
the contradictions of His nature.'— P. 97. 

The universal prevalence of idolatry is ably demonstrated in the 
present work. What idolatry really is, what are the temptations to 
become its votaries, are points on which too many are apt to remain in 
wilful ignorance, and those who denounce it as the climax of sin and 
folly in Hindoos or Romanists, little suspect how the disease has assailed 
their own vitals. It is in truth the materialism of the atheist, the 
symbolized abstraction of the pantheist, the poetic realisation of the 
sentimentalist ; it is the God-denying sin that includes within its folds 
all that is false in the principles of him who cares only for self-indul- 
gence and material wealth, all that is corrupt in the morals of him who 
is a lover of pleasure rather than a lover of God, all that is superstitious 
in the creed of him who turns from a God of love to prostrate himself 
in abject fear before a god of terror. Idolatry is in a nation the exact 
antithesis of the recognition of a divine covenant, and as nations dififer 
from individuals in the absence of immortality, national sins are visited 
at once with temporal punishments. ' When a nation has become in- 
capable of counting anything as real that was not visible, it has passed 
into an utterly idolatrous condition of mind.' The idolatrous indi- 
vidual may spend his days as though God smiled on him, but there is 
reserved for him a judgment to come : the idolatrous nation sins out- 
wardly and is punished summaiily. Mr. Maurice rightly argues that 
* the natural mischiefs which flow from a certain course of conduct are 
witnesses that there is a divine law with which men are intended to be 
in conformity, and that they have chosen to live as if no such law ex- 



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190 NMcee of Book$. [April, 

isted ; that in this saise the natural punishments are not anahgous to 
the divine punishments, but identical with them.' 

In commenting upon the denunciations of the prophet Hosea, in the 
twelfth sermon of this volume, the preacher has an opportunity of 
pointing out the prevalent unbelief of a corrupt nation, which he does 
not fail to exhibit in a very striking manner. We subjoin an extract 

' Can yon wonder that Hosea's words, jnst beeanse they were the words of a 
sane, tiionghtfol, far-seeing man, should have seemed to those who heard then 
like the ravings of a madmian ? Men who have ceased to believe in a nation, who 
do not feel that the name denotes anything substantial, who look upon it merely 
as a collection of atoms, who have lost aU sense of a connection between pasL 
present, and future, who only know that they exist in the passing moment, and 
suspect that a chaos lies before and behind them — such men must mock at the dis- 
courses of a prophet. He talks of a natum*s ruin, a nation's dissolution ; what can 
that signify ? That which he dreads as the most fearful of all consummations has 
for them taken place already. Relationships have become to them nonentities — 
mere creatures of the imagmation. What if they should perish more completely 
still? Would not the com and the wine, the silver and the gold, still remain? 
Might not those who have these possessions still enjoy them, and perhaps more 
abundantly ? 

' No I says the prophet, this is part of the woe which I am sent to pronounce 
upon you ; not the worst part assuredly, but a part which you can understand, and 
which you must listen to. The com and the wine and the oil, the silver and the 
gold, wUl not continue. Tou do not know that the unseen God has given you 
them ; you are dedicating them to Baal i you are wor^ipping a God of com and 
wine and oil, of silver and gold; a Gotl whose main characteristic in your judg- 
ment is, that he sends these things or withholds them according to no rule at all, 
or according to the rules which you follow in the distribution of your treasures ; 
whom rich men, therefore, by a profitable outlay of a portion of their treasures in 
his service, may induce to favour them and to keep them superior to the rest of 
their countrymen. It will not be, cannot be. The coming and goins of these 
gifts which you count so precious depend upon laws which you hold vile and 
trample upon. These outward things are contingent upon the moral laws, upon 
the spiritual relations in which you have eeased to believe. When these are 
utterly set at nought you will seek in vain Ibr the others. Yon will invoke all 
your gods to help you ; they will not nerve arms which indolence and despair have 
palsi^ ; they will not enable men to work for a common object who have learned 
to think that each exists only for himself— P. 206. 

We doubt not that the volume will find many eager and thoughtful 
readers. We could desire that the views of the author on the subject 
of inspiration were more nearly coincident with our own, because we 
believe that an implicit confidence in the infallibility of the Bible as an 
immediate revelation from heaven is essential to a true &dth, and is the 
great bulwark against error. Mr. Maurice, however, is manifestly a 
devout man, far more so than many who will accept his peculiar views 
and pursue them to their own injury. He is a thoughtM and earnest 
man, one who sees the evil that is, in the world and mourns over it, and 
finds his greatest consolation in the past dealings of God with his people 
Israel, having a deep conviction of the uniformity of those dealings in 
all ages, and in our own dispensation receiving new vigour through the 
personal advent of Him who brings life and immortality to light 



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1853.] Notices of Books. 191 



Sunday and the Sabbath; or^ The Seasons for identifying the Lord*s 
Day of the Apostles with the Sabbath of Moses, By William 
Hjbnrt Johnstone, M.A., Chaplain of Addiscombe, Author of 
* Israel after the Flesh,' an * Essay on the Life of Jesus,' &c. Lon- 
don : Wertheim and Macintosh. 1 853. 

The Sabbath question is one of the leadine controversies of the present 
day, and much is written and spoken on all sides ; but amid all that is 
said it is not always possible to meet with argument which is really 
conclusive, or historiciJ statement which is complete and satisftctory. 
The interest which is excited on the subject is intense, because persons 
are individuaUy afiected. The man of piety values the day which is 
rescued ^m toil and devoted to the refiresftunent of his soul ; he is 
therefore jealous of any proposal for secularising that portion of time 
which God demands to be holy to himself. The man of pleasure 
values the holiday, but regards it only as a vehicle of self-indulgence ; 
he is anxious therefore to set aside every custom which would dd^ his 
enjoyments, and would wish to silence the voice of any positive com* 
mandment by which the claims of the day are enforced. The Christian, 
in sbortj feels the day to be a privilege ; the worldly man feels its strict 
requirements to be distastefol. Those who feel^ however, enthusiastically, 
though it be OB subjects of controversy, are not the best able to balance 
the arguments which relate to them. On both sides much it advanced 
concerning the Sabbath which only helps to encumber the entire question. 

Mr. JoShnBtone, we think, has in a great degree helped to narrow the 
point at issue. He has investigated the relation between the Jewish 
Sabbath and the Christiaai Sunday with great care and much acuteness. 
He has at least disposed of the common fallacy that the Jewish Sabbath 
was a ceremonial law abrogated by Christ, showing that the precept 
was moral rather than positive, and that whatever accusations might be 
brooglit against our Lord in reference to his mode of observing the day, 
he was content that his own conduct should be tested by Jewish law 
and custom, whilst be in no instance evinced his lordship over the Sab- 
bath by lowering its acknowledged claims. 

We think that Mr. Johnstone has fellen short of a ftill statement as 
to what the Sabbath was to the Jew when he declares that it was little 
more than a prohibition of labour. The commandment, says he, does 
not enjoin religious worship on the Sabbath, and scarcely seems even to 
suppose the existence of such services, unlcM, indeed, the holy convo- 
cations (at Levit. xxiiL 3) be eonndered as imf^ing them. It is, we 
admit, remarkable that but slight data are given to us to eoaUe us to 
form an idea of Jewish Sabbath worship ; but a burnt-offering of two 
lambs was added on that day to the morning and evening sacrifices 
(Num. xxviii. 8), and the shewbread was changed (Levit. xxiv. 8). 
Bendes, the ^ remembrance to keep holy* would never be secured b^ 
mere inacdon. The word ^holy' must mean at least ^dedicated to 
GMl ;' and if the sabbaths were a ngn to the Israelites that it was He 
who smtut^fkd them, the day was obviously intended for religious medi- 



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192 Notices of Books. [April, 

tatioD, when they should cease to do their own ways, or think their own 
thoughts, or find their own pleasure, or speak their own words. 

The argument, we repeat, is well drawn out, and we hope that many 
will avail themselves of Mr. Johnstone's volume for obtaining a clearer 
view of a question which, calmly considered, ought to present no diffi- 
culty. 

Pastoral Theology ; the Theory of a Gospel Ministry, By A. Vinet, 
Professor of Theology at Lausanne. Translated from the French. 
Edinburgh, T. & T. Clark. 1852. 

Thebe might appear to be very little to attract general attention in an 
essay on the Christian nunistry. The topic is old, as old as Christianity 
itself, and every one would regard hinaself as abundantly qualified to 
judge of the requisites of a minister and of the manner in which his 
duties ought to be performed. We are all in one sense sennon-critics; 
are we therefore to say that hints on sermon-criticism are superfluous? 
We are all watching the conduct and sifting the labours of those who 
are appointed to do the work of the Lord ; but is there no room to lay 
down a clearer and more systematic plan of the ministerial lifie? We 
might oiumerate a series of reasons why a well-considered theory of 
the pastoral ofiSce is a desideratum. More than a century and a half 
ago Bishop Burnet published his ' Pastoral Care,' a work of which 
most writers, including Yinet of Lausanne, have made frequent use. 
It is well known at what a low ebb the ministerial ofifice had arrived 
in the days of the profligate Charles and the Popish James. ' Our 
ember weeks,' exclaims the bishop, ' are the burden and grief of my 
life. The much greater part of those who come to be ordained are 
ignorant to a deg^ree not to be apprehended by those who are not 
obliged to know it. The easiest part of knowledge is that to which 
they are the greatest strangers ; I mean, the plainest fiicts of the Scrip- 
tures, which they say, in excuse of their ignorance, that their tutors in 
the Universities never mention the reading of to them, so that they can 
give no account, or at least a very imperfect one, of the contents even 
of the Gospel. The ignorance of some is such, that in a well-regulated 
state of things they would appear not knowing enough to be admitted 
to the holy sacrament : this does of^ tear my heart.' Here was the 
bishop's reason for calling attention to the subject, and this reason is 
not without force as applied to the state of things at the present day. 
But without fixing the mind on those dull and barren chapters of a 
nation's religious history, where the teachers of the Gospel were so in 
little else but in name, it is to be remembered that the ofifice itself is 
the most exalted to which a man can aspire ; that, to use George Her- 
bert's expression, the pastor is ' the deputy of Christ for the reducing 
of man to the obedience of God.' If then the standard is high, there is 
the more need for a frequent contemplation of it. It is indeed a healthy 
sign for any Christian communion, when we hear the voices of those 
who take the lead inviting the pastors of flocks to a more diligent 
survey of their privileges and responsibilities, and this can only be done 

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1853.] Notices of Books. 193 

by a fidthful exposition of their duties and the means placed at their 
disposal. Now we are well aware that the portraiture of the ministerial 
office has been by successive hands well drawn, and these not confined 
to any one church or country ) but the most accurate delineation of 
that which might be termed the Scriptural type of a Christian minister 
would not suffice. If such were the case, we might content ourselves 
with directing every candidate for the sacred office to the study of 
St Paul's character and work, on the same principle that we might 
make the Bible the sole manual of theology. 

The most common vehicle for reflection on the pastoral office is 
ministerial biography. The life of every successful pastor suggests 
valuable hints to those who are engaged in the same work ; but the 
best minister of the Gospel is afler all only a specific example ; he does 
not embrace the whole sum of his office. Such biography may be 
regarded as the raw material from which a complete view may be 
framed, and this is a work that at various junctures in the history of 
Christianity requires to be performed. The minister, let us remember^ 
is the Christian exemplar. He does not form one of a separate caste 
from which the main body of the faithful is dissevered, but rather is 
he one with the flock, the earnest sympathiser in all their struggles 
and infirmities, and one appointed in the providence of God to bring to 
bear upon their minds and hearts those precious truths which form the 
substance of the divine revelation. Hence, so far as Christian truth 
admits of development, the minister in every age exhibits the phase at 
which it has arrived : so far as the human mind expands with the 
advance of material and speculative knowledge, he is, or ought to be, 
in the van of this advancement ; he does not lag behind in the career 
of human progress as the mere advocate of conventionalisms, but 
exhibits in the culture of his own soul that which God has been 
pleased to make manifest to him for the edification of the world. And 
yet he will most commonly appear to many as exercising a restraining, 
if not a retarding influence. He calls men back to the eternal truths 
from which they are too prone to wander ; he separates between the 
precious and the vile in the maxims of his age, and shows how greatly 
the destructive element preponderates. His main lesson, after all, is 
that men must be converted and become as little children in order to 
enter the kingdom of God. That which revelation prescribes for man- 
kind, the minister enforces by word and by example ; first embodying 
the divine principles in himself, and then commending them to his 
flock. The Chrbtian ministry therefore is no priesthood, no mysterious 
depositary of unintelligible oracles ; but appealing, as it does, to the 
reason^ the conscience, and the heart of mankind, it subjects itself to a 
tribunal before which it is ever on its trial. If the preacher, and the 
word which he preaches, take a divergent course, the anomaly is at 
once discoverable. But not only before man does the pastor labour ; 
he is in the presence of Him who seeth the heart. There are then 
ample reasons why he should exercise much self-scrutiny, and, what is 
more, he may be thankful for the well-digested thoughts which gifled 
men may supply from their own experience. Hence we are glad to 

VOL. IV. NO. VII. o , 

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194 Notices of Books. [April, 

recommend a work of which we now wish to say a few words — 
M. Vinet's ' Pastoral Theology,' a work with which our literature has 
in the strictest sense been enriched by a recent translation. We are 
glad in every way to recommend it to a wide perusaL M. Vinet's' 
mind is singularly well balanced, and his heart profoundly influenced 
by the grandeur of his subject He appears to us to liave brought all 
the keen penetration, that power of discerning liidden rdations and 
developing them with an intellectual force, which is seldom in our own 
days brought to bear on points of practical theology. We are not 
made to listen to the merely sparkling orator, nor yet to the dry 
essaybt, nor is it mere extent of reading, nor the bare record of expe- 
rience, but something which combines every excellence and avails itself 
of every advantage. This is just one of the books that is issued with 
an unconsciousness that the world will be attracted by it, and yet we 
hesitate not to say that it will live. Let the translators hasten to iulfil 
their promise of publishing the ' Uomiletics ' of the same talented and 
devout author, — we can promise them a welcome. 

The work before us has a decided advantage in admitting of a very 
clear analysis. After defining the true notion of a Gospel ministry, he 
treats the subject in four parts, viewing the pastor in a fourfold rela- 
tion. He discusses his individual and interior life ; then his relative or 
social life; thirdly his pastoral life, and lastly his administrative or 
ofBcial life, the third part necessarily occupying the greater share of 
his attention. M. Vinet, in defining the office of a pastor under the 
Christian dispensation, is led to draw a contrast with the Jewish priest- 
hood. His remarks on this point are worthy of attention, and may be 
taken as characteristic of his general style. 

* In the Old Testament the office of priest and that of prophet were separated. 
The distinction belongs to the Old Testament, the identification belonffs to the 
New. The two systems are characterised by these two facts. A perfect hannony 
between the form and the idea did not exist and could not amve till aft^r the 
introduction of the spiritual law, the law of liberty. In these two features, in 
these two distinct plans, are exemplified the letter which kills and the spirit 
which gives life. The economy which was to unite these into one whde was also 
to unite in one man the character of priest and that of prophet.'— p. 15. 

We need not follow the Christian professor into his investigations 
of the institution of the ministry or its special forms. He is remarkably 
candid on these points, and as he writes from a distance, from among 
the sequestered valleys and the pure mountain atmosphere of the 
Canton de Vaud, his views upon several open questions are divested 
of those specialties that mark our controversies at home. We like the 
treatise because it is neither English nor Scotch,' and though it may 

• It is curious to observe how the translator reveals his own locale in rendering 
the pastor's residence by the word manse (p. 149). It is true he substitutes * par- 
sonage ' occasionally. He has probably smiled at the difficulty, one that arises 
in (Set from the pioneering and missionary character of the church of the New 
Testament, and the involved necessity that pastors and apostles had ' no certain 
dwelling-place,' or at best * a hired house,' and not unfrequently were inmates of 
a prison, so that there is no scriptural word which can be adopted in common by 
Scotch, English, and Swiss. 



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1853,] Notioea of Books. 195 

be Swiss, yet is emphatically Christian, and that world-wide view is 
taken of the pastoral office that will advance its efficacy for the preach- 
ing of the Gospel to every creature. 

No denomination of Christians, we believe, denies the necessity of a 
9oetUi(m to ike ministry. This is one of M. Yinet's great topics. In 
his preliminary sections he enlarges upon the exalt^ nature of the 
chaige, a consideration that obviously demands of every candidate for 
the holy office a sufficient reason for taking the step. 

' Religion,' he says, * which is the most excellent and comprehensive thing iu 
man, is, for the minister, the business and duty of every day and of every hour ; 
that -which is onl^ one among many elements in the life of other men, is the 
atmosphere in which he breathes. He lives surrounded by the grandest and 
loftiest ideas, and his employments are of the most absolute and lasting utility. 
He is not called upon to do anything but what is reaUy good ; he has neither 
obligation nor inducement to the performance of eviL He occupies no rank in 
the social hierarchy, belongs to no class, but he is a connecting link between all, 
and, in his own person, represents better than any one else the ideal unity of 
society.* — p. 61. 

It naturally follows, that he who would carry out the obligations of 
such a position must take good heed to himself ere he enter upon it. 
With Bishop Burnet we may remark, * that to be tied to such an em- 
ployment, while one has not an inward conformity to it, and com- 
placence in it, is both the most unbecoming, the most unpleasant, and 
the most uncomfortable state of life imaginable. Such a person will 
be exposed to all men's censures and reproaches, who, when they see 
things amiss in his conduct, do not only reproach him, but the whole 
church and body to which he belongs, and, which is more, the religion 
which he seems to recommend by his discourses, though his life and 
actions, which will always pass for the most real declaration of his 
inward sentiments, are a visible and continual opposition to it.' ^ It is 
evident, then, that the man who would teach others must first himself 
be taught. Ignorance in a teacher is of all faults the most inexcusable, 
whatever be the subject of his teaching ; for if that subject be furthest 
removed from what is moral or spiritual, though it be secular or trivial, 
there is an inunoral act at the very outset, a fraud practised upon those 
who cannot well repair the injury inflicted thereby. What, then, is 
ignorance in a teacher of religion ? and what is indifference and cold- 
ness of heart in one whose business is to warn sinners and edify the 
saints of God ? To be a true Christian is therefore the most obvious 
requisite of a minister. There must also be a desire to teach. It is a 
law of most minds to communicate freely to others that which has 
taken any decided hold of the attention. A man who has obtained a 
mastery over a subject will gladly converse upon it, even though he do 
not seek a vent in the published treatke. Where, however, the know- 
ledge acquired is secular, this is not a necessary consequence ; but it is 
otherwise with moral truth, the possession of which involves an obliga- 
tion to communicate it to others. The man who learns how to analyse 
the atmosphere may, if he please, reserve the discussion of the process 
to the chosen few who have embraced scientific inquiry ; but if his dis- 

*• Pastoral Care, chap. vii. 

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196 Notices of Books. [April, 

covery reveals that in a certain locality the air is poisoned, he is guilty 
before God and man if he do not warn the unconscious residents of 
their danger. This illastration will serve with respect to Gospel truth : 
the man who has experienced it cannot but desire to warn those who 
live secure in sin, and to urge them to a Saviour. But all men are not 
equally capable of teaching, and in a general community it is not 
desirable that the less prominent paths of duty should be abandoned : 
if then desire be added to conversion as requisite in a minister, aptness 
to teach must give effect to the desire which prompts to the effort. 

* It has always been desirable/ says M. Vinet, * that the minister should be 
solidly instructed ; that he should be conversant with religion as doctrine ; that 
he should have a thorough knowledge of the world and of man. The idea that 
pastors need not know very much, is a very unfortunate misconception. Their 
knowledge ought at least to be such as to place them on a level with whatever 
may be presented before them.* 

He then proceeds to notice that — 

' The ministry does not presuppose an extraordinary measure of talents ; piety 
will, up to a certain point, supply the lack of them ; piety in itself is a great 
talent. 

* But if piety can to a certain extent/ he continues, ' supply the lack of talent, 
talent cannot supply the lack of piety, and the most special kind of talent (elo- 
quence, knowledge of the heart, facility in gaining access to and governing minds) 
cannot constitute a vocation. A man may be eminently adapted to act the part of 
a minister without being called to be one. Nor can talent be a substitute for 
culture. There is no more dangerous confidence than that which is inspired by a 
consciousness of talent. ' No one can avoid decaying in power unless his talents 
have a basis that he has himself acquired. Many distinguished talents are lost, 
whilst moderate talents arrive, through application, at results which seem reserved 
for genius/ — p. 79. 

M. Vinet's chapters on the pastor's individual and interior life relate 
to the renewal of the ministerial vocation, * tlie stirring up of the gift' 
by means of solitude, prayer, and study. He particularly warns the 
man of God from relapsing into mere officialism. There is no doubt 
that formalism and conventionalism are ever the dangerous points to 
which the human mind makes retrogressive movements. They are the 
very antithesis of mental energy, and unhappily there are too many 
found rea(iy even to argue in their favour, as though they would 
designedly extinguish spiritual vitality, and fossilize the organisation in 
which it had resided. Hence the hierarchical conventionalisms of Egypt 
and of Greece ; and Christianity, once reduced to this dead state, is 
scarcely more able than were those old systems to throw off the 
encrusted incumbrance. It is essentially the office of the Holy Spirit 
to enkindle in the minds of ministers or private Christians a holy 
fervour and a vital energy, which shall obtain the mastery over every 
torpid influence: hence the need of prayer and of heart-cultivation. 
Let us listen for a moment to what the professor says upon the subject 
of study : — 

* Apart from practice, thought will become impoverished without study ; the 
most active and fertile minds have perceived this. We cannot derive all the 
nourishment we need from ourselves ; without borrowing we cannot create. It is 
true that there are other methods of study besides reading. When we have 
learned anything from books, and in the best of books as well as in others, we 



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1853.] Notum of Books. 197 

must make use of our native powers in order to assimilate it, as also we assimilate 
nourishment for our body. But when, without the aid of books, or in the absence 
of facts, we labour in solitude, on what materials shall we labour, unless it be on 
those supplied by recollection? Whence do our thoughts arise, except from 
facts, or from books, or from social intercourse ? — a great volume which also 
demands our careful study. We must therefore study in order to excite and enrich 
oar own thoughts by means of the thoughts of other men. Those who do not 
study will see their talent gradually fading away, and will become old and super- 
annuated in mind before their time. Without incessant study, a preacher may 
make sermons, and even good sermons, but they will all resemble one another, and 
that increasingly, as he continues the experiment. A preacher, on the other hand, 
who keeps up in his mind a constant flow of substantial ideas, who fortifies and 
nourishes his mind by various reading, will be always interesting. He who is 
governed by one pervading idea and purpose will find in all books, even in those 
which are not directly connected with the ministry, something that he may adapt 
to his special aim.* — p. 106. 

Would that these remarks could find their way to many of our own 
preachers ! There are excellent men who deem themselves better em- 
ployed in the routine work of the pastoral office, than in storing their 
minds, and whose conception of preaching would render it exhortation, 
and little more. Such men become blinded to the need of research ; 
they are to be found in the cottage more than in the study, and the 
hours spent in the pulpit bear a very false proportion to those devoted 
to preparation. The obvious result is that the secular press gets in 
advance of the pulpit, and intelligent men are led to associate the 
exercise of mind with any other subject rather than religion. It is 
true that ministers may succeed too well in introducing the fruits of 
intellect into their ministrations, and whilst by the variety of their 
allusions they may secularise the treatment of a sacred theme, they 
may, by the closeness of their reasoning, exclude from their audience 
those to whom more especially the Gospel is intended to be preached. 

The third port of M. Vinet's treatise, we have already said, contains 
the more numerous topics. It is headed Pastoral Life, and includes 
the three divisions — Worship, Teaching, and Care of Souls. 

In the present relation of the Church to the world, it ought to be 
obvious to every one that preaching is the main function of the 
Christian minister. He has to deal on all hands with the ignorant, 
with the indifferent, with those who are opposed to the truth, and even 
amongst the sincere followers of the Saviour he finds much to correct, 
and much more to strengthen. ^ For the instruction of all torts of men 
to eternal life,' says Richard Hooker, ' it is necessary that the sacred 
and saving truth of God be openly published unto them ; which open 
publication of heavenly mysteries is by an excellency termed preach- 
ing.' "" But while this g^reat divine gives an admirable definition, it is 
carious to observe how assiduously he labours to g^ve to sermons only 
a secondary place. There are many who.<e ideal of public worship 
presupposes a gathering of the regenerate, and assigns to the minister 
the sacerdotal function of a mediator rather than the less mystical 
office of an evangelist. Such persons might succeed, though not with 
perfect fiiimess, in making Hooker speak their views. Bishop Burnet 

<^ Eccles. Pol., book v. chap, xviii. sec. 1 . 

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198 Niottces of Books. [April, 

utters the language of common sense when he says, ^ The world 
naturally runs to extremes in everything. If one sect or body of men 
magnify preaching too much, another carries that to another extreme 
of decrying it as much. It is certainly a noble and a profitable exer- 
cise, if rightly gone about ; of great use both to priest and people, by 
obliging the one to much study and labour, and by setting before the 
other mil and copious discoveries of divine matters, opening them 
clearly, and pressing them weightily upon them.* ^ Now, whatever be 
the relative importance of preaching as compared with the other duties 
of the pastoral oiHce, it is evidently that which is most difficult, requires 
most personal endowment and application, and therefore occupies a 
prominent chapter in any treatise on Pastoral Theology. M. Vinet 
does not disguise its importance. 

' Let us see what place God himself has assigned to preaching in Christianity. 
It occupies a higher and grander position in the Christian than m anjr other reli- 
gion, not even excepting Judaism. Christianity is a religion which is intended to 
be a subject of thought, and consequently of speech ; it is represented, manifested, 
and propagated by means of speech. The Gospel is a word. Christ himself is 
the Word or Reason {\^os) ; the two terms are in this connection interchangeable, 
for a word is Reason expressed, and Reason is an unuttered word. The Church 
itself is truth as it exists in the thoughts of the community, and is spoken by the 
community. In one word, religion is a matter of ftdth and of persuasion, and 
therefore of speech.' — ^p. 171. 

We may readily allow the force of the objection that lies against the 
exaltation of the preacher's office, firom the imperfections of the preacher 
himself. Inspired men they were to whom it was said, ^ Take no 
thought, for it shall be given you what ye shall speak ;' and from their 
lips the word could be received, * not as the word of men, but of God.* 
We cannot therefore base the authority of the ministry in general on 
the infallibility of the teacher. The treasure is indeed contained in 
earthen vessels — vessels that are, even in the world's eye, misshapen, 
ill-supplied, and imparting to the contents a savour altogether ex- 
traneous. Rebuke in general is an illustration of the mechanical prin- 
ciple which says that action and re-action are equal and opposite — it is 
a blow which strikes the fist of the smiter with the self*same fbroe as 
that assails the person of him who is struck. It is possible that the fist 
in question may receive the greater injury, specially if there be an 
antecedent weakness. Let him that is taithout sin cast the stone. Why ? 
Because in any other case the re-action inflicts the greater blow. How 
then can any man reprove, rebuke, or exhort ? The minister, in the 
first place, takes his stand on the written word. He strikes, but it is 
with the sword of the Spirit. His ministry too is one of reconciliation ; 
and if it be retorted upon him, ^ Physician, heal thyself,' he can appeal 
with all humility to his own trust in the blood of sprinkling which he 
recommends to others. But it is evident that the strength of the 
ministry depends much on the holiness of the minister, and still more 
on his sincerity and earnestness. 

' God has not designed,' says M. Vinet, * that a good and an evil instrument 
should £^ye forth the same sounds, and accordingly this is not the case. I allow 

* Pastoral Care, chap. ix. 

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1853.] Notices of Books. 199 

that the power of God is magnified in the infirmity of man, but not in a ▼olontary 
infirmity, which consists in diminishing the powers which He has given, and 
casting a slight, so to speak, on His favours. The more we are penetrated with 
a sense of the seriousness, the responsibility, the danger of our mission, the more 
shall we feel constnuned to watch, to anticipate, and to take precautious : our 
small AanMA proTidence enters into the scJieme of the vast providence of God.' 
—p. 176. 

The chapter on the Care of Souls is if possible of more value than 
any that luive gone before, giving practical hints for the personal 
treatment of various phases of character and of religious experience. 
The professor is evidently a well*tried Christian, who has sounded his 
own heart, and has been thereby enabled to make an accurate survey 
of human nature in those aspects which present themselves to a pastor's 
notice. To speak pointedly and effectively to an individual is neces- 
sarily more difficult than to address an audience. The arrow is not to 
be shot at a venture, but with all coolness and steadiness of aim. For 
this, as indeed for the other valuable suggestions in these well-digested 
lectures, we refer our readers to the work itself. We would gladly 
give lengthy extracts, but we trust that we have said enough to recom- 
mend its daims, and to awaken an interest in what is really a valuable 
addition to a somewhat neglected branch of sacred inquiry. 



Parish Sermons^ precu^hed for the most part at Trinity Churchy 
Upper Dicker J in the county of Stissex, By the Bishof of Sierra 
Leons, late Incumbent of the Dicker. London : James Darling, 
1852. 
Those of our readers who may have resided at Cambridge some ten 
years since will have been familiar with the aspect of two students of 
St. John's College, whose close resemblance to each other suggested 
that they were twin-brothers, and whose constant appearance together 
implied an affection that had grown £tom the cradle. Further inquiry 
would have revealed that their private life developed the closest union 
in thought, conversation, and study. What was still more remarkable, 
the CoUege and University examinations manifested the similarity of 
their attainments, so that, though they competed among a crowd in the 
literary race, their names were bracketed with the technical addition 
< ^quales,' in the lists. These brothers bore the name of Vidal. 
. They both entered ttie ministry, and, whilst they laboured in adjacent 
parishes in Sussex, the same fraternal devotion was maintained. One 
of them, Owen Emeric, ha^ been recently appointed to the Bishopric 
of Sierra Leone ; and for the benefit of the particular mission which he 
is about to superintend the present volume of sermons is published. We 
liad almost expected to find a notice of joint authorship. Sure we are 
that, if the brother also presents us with a volume, it will require all 
our powers of criticism to detect any difference of style or sentiment. 

The collection which is now before us includes twenty-four discourses 
preached at various dates. To one our attention has been specially 
directed, not only by the circumstance of its having been preached at 
Great St. Mary's, Cambridge, subsequently to his elevation to the 



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200 Noti4XB of Books. [April, 

episcopate, but by the transcendent importance and interest of the sub- 
ject — *The image of the Invisible God, the first-born of every 
creature.' (Col. i. 15.) 

Dr. Vidai is evidently one who habituates himself to close and 
earnest thought, so that we are not surprised, in taking into account the 
learned audience to which this Sermon was addressed, and the difficulty 
of the subject, that his language is occasionally too deep for ordinary 
comprehension ; but when he is explaining the immediate relation 
which any part of his subject has to Christ, it becomes at once forcible 
and simple, as where he lays down the general view of his text, 
' Christ bearing a certain inherent and inseparable relation to Grod, and 
a certain inherent and inseparable relation to all that is not God.' He 
is alike clear and comprehensive in tracing the various ways in which 
Christ, as the Image, or Visible Representative of the Invisible God, 
reveals the Deity to our understandings and affections, or (to use the 
bishop's expression) to the eye of the mind and the eye of the soul, as 
he did when on earth to the eye of the body. Herein lay the essence 
of his mediatorial work, that he came as ' God manifest in the fiesh.' 

In elucidating the text the bishop finds no difficulty in the first 
clause, ' Christ, the Image of the Invisible God,' inasmuch as the mani- 
festation of Deity through the Logos is intelligibly revealed, and 
universally by all orthodox Christians believed. The title, * first-bom 
of every creature,' is not quite so easy. Let us see how this difficulty 
is met. Dr. Vidal discovers a link between the two clauses in a con- 
venient generalisation, which he terms the principle of representation. 
The remark, in which we cordially agree, is valuable : — 

* It pervades the whole gospel, whether we view it as shadowed forth under the 
law, or as more manifestly revealed under the second dispensation. From first to 
last, we find every important event in the history of mankind, so far at least as 
man's relation to God is concerned, transacted by means of a system of representa- 
tion; someone acting as the representative, either of all others, or of a certain class, 
as the case may be. And a clear view of this system of representation will make 
plain, as fiir as they can be made plain, many of the mysteries of Scripture.' — 
p. 320. 

As the image of the Invisible God, Christ is undeniably the repre- 
tentative of God to the creature. Can it be said tliat, as ' the first-born 
of every creature,' he is the representative of the creature to God? 
To answer this, we must inquire the meaning and force of the term 
' first-born ' (irpwroroicoc). The two interpretations most commonly 
received of this obscure title are those which would represent it as the 
rAty among created beings, and as the author of created beings. With 
regard to the latter view, it is discarded by accurate critics as being 
inconsistent with the ante-penultimate accentuation, and would be a 
legitimate rendering only of the word Trp^iroroicoc. If, then, the 
epithet applies to a created being, does it imply priority of existence in 
point of lime? Such is undoubtedly the force of vpuroc, as used by 
John the Baptist (John i. 15). But in the passage we now cite allu- 
sion is made to the divine nature. If, then, we confine the epithet 
employed by St. Paul to the human nature of Christ, we are prevented 
by the circumstances of the incarnation from including in it priority of 

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1863.] Notices of JBooks. 201 

time. Dr. Vidal takes the same view of this difficulty, though we 
cannot agrree with him that * first-bom of created nature ' would rather 
apply to light as the first of all created things — ' offspring of Heaven 
firsst-born* (p. 332). The first verse of the book of Genesis would 
contradict this remark. 

Some commentators understand the ' eternal generation ' in the 
epithet ; but here, again, we agree with the bishop that such a declara- 
tion would ' be irrelevant to the Apostle's argument.' It would appear 
tliat the literal 8euse of the term does not apply, for the reasons to 
which we have alluded ; but the preacher relieves us by the recog- 
nition of a principle which we think of great importance in biblical 
exegesis. 

• It most be admitted that there are many words used in Scripture in what may 
be called a teckrUcal sense, so as to convey a meaning which, apart from Scriptural 
ccmnection, they never would have conveyed. But the technicalities to which I 
am alluding have more especially arisen from the typical character of the Old 
Testament revelation, which is such that, after some person or thing has once 
been chosen as a type to shadow forth some spiritual reality, the name of that 
person or thing is afterwards constantly employed, by metonymy, to denote the 
character it assumed, or the object for which it was employed ; and then, by a 
second metonymy, is applied to the spiritual antitype which it was chosen to 
shadow forth. — p. 334. 

Admitting this principle, we have to ask, what is the technical sense 
of * first-born ?' The bishop refers to the destruction of the Egyptian 
first-bom by tlie destroying angel, and the subsequent consecration of 
the Israelite first-born to the service of Jehovali, and argues that they 
were in each case ' representative ' of their nation ; moreover, that, as 
representing respectively a cursed and a blessed nation, they were 
typical of the lost and the saved. I'his we think perfectly admissible 
as a premiss, but we deny the conclusion that ' first-born ' denotes 
' representative.* Neither can we, with the bishop, paraphrase the 
passage, ' Who is the representative of God to all creation, and the 
representative of all creation to God.' 

We are inclined to think that the first-bom of a Jewish family was 
' representative ' of his father more than of his brothers. Thus, to 
select one of the pat^sages in which the word occurs translated by the 
LXX. vpuToroKoc : * Reuben,' pays dyin«^ Jacob, * thou art my first- 
bom, my might, and the beginning of my strength, the excellency of 
dignity, and the excellency of power ' (Gen. xlix. 3). It is evident 
from this passage that the technical meaning of first-born is ^ pre- 
eminent ;' and tliis appears to be the Apostle's meaning as expressed 
by St. Paul in Col. i. 18, a passage which has two remarkable parallel- 
isms with the prophecy of Jacob in the words 'first-born' and 
'beginning' — 'who is the beginning, ihe Jirst-bom from the dead, 
that in all things he might have the pbe-eminence.' 

But we obtain a yet clearer view of the technical meaning of the 
term where it is applied to persons who had no precedence by a literal 
primogeniture. We have an example where Moses is instructed to 
address Pharaoh — ' Thus saith the Lord, Israel is my son, even my 
first-bom.* ' Pre-eminence ' applies here, but not ' representation.' 



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202 Notices of Books. [April, 

The same remark may be made on Jeremiah xxxi* 19, ^ Ephraim, my 
first-bom.' In the latter passage we are reminded that Ephraim was 
the first-born of Joseph ; and it is opportune to remark, by way of 
illustrating our point, that Joseph was, in a technical soise, though 
not in a literal one, the first-born of Jacob, but by no means ^ r^re- 
sentative ' of his brethren, though eminently typical of Him who is the 
subject of the bishop's text. Joseph is said to have been the son of 
Israel's old age ; and that on this account his £eitiier gave him a token 
of pre-eminence, a coat of many colours. It was equally evident that 
such was the meaning attached by the brothers to this distinction, a 
feeling that was confirmed by the dreams of the eleven sheaves and the 
eleven stars, which respectively did obei^nce to the one. Jaoob moet 
probably regarded him as his adopted iirst-bom, and, as being the 
eldest son of Rachel, the first object of his choice, preferred him to 
Benjamin, who was still more ^ the son of his old age,' and to Reuben, 
the first-bom of Leah, as well as to his other sons. On this p(Hnt we 
may refer to Lightfoot, as quoted by Poole (Poli Synopsis in loco) — 
' Primogenituram Reubeni ademptam confert Jacobus in Josephum, et 
in ejus signum banc tunicam illi dedit. Hinc in ilium odium et invidia 
fVatrum. Cum Liam amplexatus erat, exbtimabat se habuisse Rache- 
lem ; et sic primogenitura juxta ipsius mentem et cogitata ad Rachelis 
primogenitum pertinebat.' The technical sense of first-born, we con- 
clude, where the term was applied to those who were not so according 
to the ordo nature, is ' pre-^ninent/ Hence, the Messiah is spoken 
of (Ps. Ixxxix. 27) — * I will make him my first-bomy higher than the 
kings of the earth.' 

As applied to the saints, the word includes the pre-eminence that 
belonged to kings and priests. It is true that the priestly tribe, whksh 
was substituted for the first-born, may have been ^ representative ' of 
the nation, but assuredly in a sense much less obvious than that it was 
spiritually pre-eminent. But those who are adopted from among men 
as God's children receive their exaltation through the divine mercy 
and by their individual faith. Each one, moreover, stands alone ; he 
represents no other, and, irrespectively of the belief or unbelief of his 
fellow-man, is singled out for a heavenly crown, and a priestly robe 
washed and made white in the blood of the Lamb. ^ Te are come,' 
says the Apostle, ' to the general assembly and church of the firsi- 
born^ which are written in Heaven ' (Heb. xii. 23), where he speaks 
of the company of the redeemed in their union with their* glorified 
Head. 

We gratefully acknowledge that the bishop has thrown light upon 
this difficult text, though we think he has generalised too hastily in 
appl) ing his ingenious principle of ^ representation ' to expkun the 
latter clause of the verse. Pre-eminence over the entire creation is the 
attribute which we deduce from the expression, as more consonant with 
the scriptural employment of the word, as well as more consistent with 
the argument of the sacred writer. Dr. Vidal would probably recog- 
nise our view of the subject, more especially as it virtually inchides his 
own interpretation, and admits of a similar practical application. 

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1853.] Notices of Booka. 203 

If there existed any doubts as to the general sentiments of the 
preacher, they would be dispelled by a perusal of the very first page of 
the sermon which we have singled out, in which he sets before us, as 
our highest happiness, the knowledge of Christ attainable by prayerful 
study of His ^vord. We are made to discern at once the faithful and 
enlightened preacher of that word. It is true that we do not class him 
with the popular men of our day. He wants the brilliant rhetoric of 
Or. Gumming, the majestic oratory of Dr. M'Neile, and the rapt 
enthusiasm of Mr. Stowell ; yet there are passages of great fervour and 
love which might warm the coldest heart, and make the soul long to 
be drawn upwards with that happy consciousness of its union with 
Christ which he appears so fully to enjoy. 



Die Heden des Herrn Jesu (The Discourses of the Lord Jesus). 
By Dr. It. Stibb. Second edidon, revised and enlarged. Vol. I. 
Barmen, 1851. 8vo. pp. 448. 

We are happy to welcome the appearance of the first volume of an 
improved edition of Dr. Stier's excellent work upon our Lord's Dis- 
courses. Many of our readers are no doubt already acquainted with 
the former edition, and will rejoice in the publication of this as an 
indication of a growing sense of the importance attaching to the 
exposition of Scripture in a practical spirit and fbrm, and on sound 
critical principles. 

This work first came out in six volumes, from 1842-8. Its aim is, 
in the spirit of reverence and faith which becomes the student of God's 
word, to present for our meditation the very life and depths of the 
8a3rings of Him who spake as never man spake, — to exhibit the eternal 
* Word made flesh ' in the exercise of believing love. How different 
from the views of those who r^fard these very discourses as they would 
some anatomical preparation to be scrutinised with a purely pro- 
fessional eye, and who look upon the Saviour with as little feeling as 
they would on some Plato or Aristotle lecturing on the science of 
theology ! 

The new edition is to consist of four volumes. Vol. I. includes the 
preliminary sayings of Christ, and the discoursed recorded by Matthew 
in particular from ch. iv. to xi. Vol. II. will give us those contained 
in Mark'and Luke. Vol. III. is to take up part of John ; and Vol. IV. 
the discourses connected with His sufferings, death, and resurrection, 
as given by all the Evangelists. The principal improvements are to 
be in Void. I. and II., and the author avails himself of the latest 
investigations of German and English writers. 

As the * Neue Bepertorium' of Drs. Bruns and H&fner says, we have 
here treated of not only the Lord's lengthened discourses, but every one 
of his recorded expressions, not in dry formal notes, but in a compre- 
hensive and connected survey of the scope and context, with the appli- 
cation of a profound and penetrating exegesis, whicii develops their 
pre-eminently practical bewing. Erroneous opinions are glanced at 

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204 Notices of Books. [April, 

and refuted, but the writer's grand aim is to unfold in a positive form 
the latent spirit and life of the Master^s words. Like the Repertorium 
fur theoL Lit, of Reuter, ' we earnestly commend the work to all pruc' 
iical divines, as well those who anticipate the sacred office as those who 
already fill it. Dr. S. is every way fitted to introduce us to the trea- 
sures of wisdom and knowledge which lie hidden in Christ and hts 
words. And so admirably is the intellectual element combined and 
harmonised with the spiritual and edifying, that the practical and 
devout may draw hence rich materials for their personal use.* 2io 
wonder that this work is established without rivalry in its particular 
department — ^although it shrinks from no difficulties, and is as manly 
and independent in its tone as it is reverential and religious in its 
spirit. The previous edition had a large sale in Germany, while its 
circulation extended to ' Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Russia, Switzer- 
land, Belgium, France, and England, and even to America, Africa, 
and the ]^t Indies.' 

It is by no means as a rival to Dr. Brown, nor for the purpose of 
comparison, but as a fellow-labourer in a field which is among the 
most fruit^ in Christian theology, that we introduce Dr. Stier. ^ It 
is not without reason,' says Calvin," ' that I compare the evangelical 
history recorded by the four witnesses divinely ordained for this, to 
four horses accoupl^s : for it seems that God has willed by this har^ 
mony, so suitable and accordant, expressly to prepare and equip for his 
Son a chariot of triumph from which to appear in magnificent array to 
all believing people, and, rapidly borne forward, to take his survey of 
the world.' If so, the words and sayings of our Lord are the very 
vital principle and breath, life-blood, energy, and motive-power of 
these glorious chargers; and sanctified genius cannot be better em- 
ployed than in setting them forth in all their majesty and might. Such 
is the undertaking of Dr. Stier in the work before us. 

This voliune consists of two principal divisions. The ^rst includes 
the sayings recorded in Luke ii. 49; Matt. iii. 15; iv. 4-10; John L 
38-51 ; ii. 4; and ii. 16-19: the second includes those from Matt. iv. 
17 to xi. 30. The principles of the author are exhibited in an intro- 
duction, and to these principles we now invite attention. 

The New Testament is the truest exposition of the Old Testament, 
and Christ is the truest revelation of God ; while the ' words of the 
Word ' are the truest manifestations of himself There was a meaning 
in all Christ did as well as in what he said — his whole life is his word 
to us. We possess his sayings, not the ipsissima verba, but an inspired 
account of them, and they are therefore to us ipsissima as his dis- 
courses. John adheres least to the literal and actual expression, yet 
presents us with the most transparent spiritual and li>dng report of 
what our Lord said. Each Evangelist had his separate gift, position, 
and aim, bu^ one Spirit moved in them all, in harmony with one 
glorious plan. Our misfortune is, non habemtis aures stent Deus 
hahet linguam : O that we could but read and hear ! 

• Prefece to * Comment, sur la Concordance ou Harmonic/ &c., edit 15C3. 

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1853.] Notices of Books. 205 

As men, we r^, Christ spoke, and the Apostles wrote. The Word 
must first become flesh, but the flesh also must become spirit. This 
is the Word to the world now — the Church must come back to the 
Gospels; for were it swept away, and a single conscientious and 
upright man remained to read a single Gospel — say that of Mark — he 
must and would from that time live again. The Gospel is to the 
world more than the Church. 

The harmony of the Gospels has been hitherto sought in their out- 
ward form and in historical tradition, but men have overlooked that 
nearer and better way in the symphony of our Lord's discourses. Here 
we toucli a chord which sympathisingly vibrates through them all. 
False critics wrong the Gospeb incessantly ; and the poor synoptista 
{die armen Synoptiker /), how much must they endure for the honour 
of John ! Bdieving therefore the essential inspiration of the Gospels, 
and that a historical harmony is impracticable, we must look to the 
words of the Lord. About Him the world's history clusters, past, 
present, and future. In Him we have the clue to the world's mysteries, 
and the solution of the world's enigmas. Here the questions and inmost 
life of every man And their fulfilment and response. In this there is a 
sweet and divine simplicity, dbplaying, however, the highest wisdom, 
to receive which (resting as it does on the inunutable basis of truth) 
by the obedience of faith, is to secure happiness as its proper reward. 
To take such ground b to insure slander At)m foes and censure from 
friends now, but not when men shall read the Old Testament as Christ 
and his Apostles read it — shall take God*s word as it is. 

Interpretation must not ape philosophy, but be rational and natural. 
The exegesis adopted must not follow the purely intellectual, or the 
scientific and theoretical, but the experimental and practical ; we must 
speak only while and as we believe, according to the word, and not 
after any school or system. 

The paraenetic element pervades the word of God, and it is sad to 
think of the lifeless and dry handling of it which does not speak from 
the heart to the heart — the * purely scientific,' as it is called by 
themselves, but by the Apostle ypiv^ wrvfio^ yvQtng. The Bible was 
never meant only to furnish materials for the mere theologist, but for 
actual life. 

In our Lord's discourses all the rays of truth in humanity are 
gathered as into a focus, and are reflected with augmented brightness 
intensity, and transparency. All races of men here recognise the 
pulsations of human nature perfected and divine. Here the true phi- 
losophy, the iravra Biiu ko.) iLyOpviiriya irayra of Hippocrates, is summed 
up and more than realised in the God-man. Here is the centre, basis 
and root of the Christian system, and not in rabbinic or cabalistic 
phrases, nor in the triad of Plato or of Philo. 

That the word of Christ furnishes its own solution is a &ct of great 
moment; but there must be light given us from above. Here, no 
doubt, Jides prcecedit inteliectum, we must believe before we know 
and every thought must be brought into captivity to the obedience of 
fliith. 

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206 Notices qf Books. [April, 

Such are our author's principles ; we commend them to every one 
whose high office it is, or may be, to expound God's word, as worthy 
of serious attention. Happy will the day be when our teachers shall 
all take as elevated gpround, and set before themselves an equally lofty 
aim! 

The method adopted in this book might be anticipated. Each 
passage has been subjected to a searching criticism, but the process is 
not ostentatiously displayed, nor are we presented with the disjecta 
tnembra of passages simply dissected sentence by sentence and wc»tl 
by word. Yet the portions selected are not texts for sermons, laid 
down methodically and arranged artistically, according to the most 
approved log^c of the schools ; still less are they the ba^^ of rhapsodies, 
such as we have read ere now : but each saying and discourse is treated 
in exiensOj without regard to its length or the number of pages it 
requires. Here again we have another refreshing deviation from the 
old Procrustes fashion of condensing into one lecture, or cutting up 
into lengths, the living words of Christ. Still, with all his departures 
from old forms. Dr. Stier reminds us of some of the better homilists 
of the early Church. He has all their imagination, though more 
chastened; all their feeing, though more controlled; and all their 
piety, with less of their mysticism. He enjoys the light of modem 
theological science, and the stores of critical a{^)aratus which we now 
possess, and he has profited by them. His learning is as unquestionable 
as his (ttety; and were there none of the references which indicate 
research, the structure of his book would prove a &miliar aoq^intance 
with and habitual appli<;ation of the soundest principles. 

The main tendency of this work, to exhibit the words of our Lord as 
living aiyl life-giving, we must dwell upon for a few moments. Dr. Stier 
seeks vividly to represent them, because they are living words, — not as 
the utterances of a philosopher, though they are that ; but more, the out- 
gushings of a heart living, loving, and human, and yet divine. The 
words of Christ are the form in which God's mind and heart reveal 
themselves. They are spirit — the expression of the Spirit of Jehovah. 
They are life and spirit, which is more than living and spiritual, or 
than can be conveyed by mortal speech. They are life-giving, and 
this power they derive from the Holy Spirit. They are the life of the 
Scriptures ; they give life to the dead in sins ; they are the vital prin- 
ciple of the renewed heart ; they expand, and spiritualize, and preserve 
this same {ninciple ; and they point to life in heaven, towards which 
they continually lead the soul. There is a depth and a power in the 
word) of Christ upon which we may safely expatiate ; the heart loves 
to brood over them and the mind to ponder them. There is in th«n a 
beauty, transparency, brilliancy, and harmony which we may well 
admire, for it is unparalleled. They help us to see clearly into other 
parts of Scripture, and are a key to treasures otherwise inaccessible. 
But they stand by themselves as the Master's words. The more we 
view them in thdr many-sidedness, the more we shall know their worth. 
For instance : man stands in need of the par»netic and practical ; for he 
has a soul, is the creature of action, and exposed to adverse influences^. 

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1853.] Notices qf Books. 207 

The word of God is all practical in spirit when not in letter, but 
nowhere more so than in our Lord's discourses. The expositor will 
observe and imitate this. The parsenetic element will pervade his work 
like a leaven, and man's yearning and heaving heart will sympathise 
^th it. Let the life of the Saviour^s words be revealed as it is in this 
book, and we shall see blessed results ere long. ' The Church must 
come back to the Gospels* 

But again, there is symmetry in the form wherein this life dwells — 
not the symmetry of human art or science, but of divine skill. We 
have not viewed the whole which God has given us. How men have 
rent and torn away its members ! And yet it is visible to the eye of 
fiiith. God chose it should be what it is, and when shall we cease 
attempting to improve by altering his work ? The expositor must show 
men the word. He must exhibit its relations to their circumstances. 
Men must be addressed as men by man, or rather by the ^ word made 
flesh.' The inspiration of the word must never be forgotten. Then 
the truth and integrity of the tout ensemble will be undeniable, because 
visible, and it will be owned that the Gospels must not be altered, 
cannot be improved, are not to be increased nor diminished, for they 
are the work of God. 

He who with such views and feelings interprets the discourses of the 
Lord Jesus will be endued with a vigour and animation which can only 
attend upon sympathy, on the one hand with the word, and on the 
other hand with humanity. Hence the freshness and energy of the 
book before us contrast remarkably with the frigid temperament and 
style of so many. We rejoice to see that the good old Christian spirit 
of the Grerman Fatherland — ^tlie warmheartedness and cordiality of * 
religion which kindle a like glow in other bosoms — still lingers 
there. 

Our remarks have no reference to the exposition here adopted in 
particular instances, though, even where the views propounded are 
questionable to us, Dr. Stier generally gives reasons for his 0{Hnions : 
eg. on Matt. x. 2^, where he maintains that it is not God, but Satan, 
who can destroy both soul and body in hell (pp. 376-380). 

It will hardly be needAil for us to give quotations after what has been 
said-; we shall, however, select a specimen of the author's analyses, 
which are generally carefully elaborated. The passage is the Sermon 
on the Mount, Matt, v.-vii. ; but we shall somewhat abridge for the 
sake of brevity : — 

The Old Testament prononnced a curse; the New Testament begins with a 
blessing, for it is a Gospd. This Sermon is no second law : He who yonder on 
&nai testified by storm and darkness, here, in his love to men, sits down among 
them that they may sit at his feet and hear his words (Deut. xxxiii. 2, 3). It is 
the fulfilling of the one unrepealed law which grace here presents, and of which 
it demands acceptance. Thus the fundamental principle of the Sermon rests on 
each w(»tl of the * fulfilling all righteousness,' and on the first claim which Christ 
urged, ' repent.' We might say uie Sermon teaches us wherein that repentance 
consists, by which alone man can enter the kingdom of heaven. A threefold 
principle pervades all right preaching — the conciliatory, the hortatory, the admo- 
nitory. Between the first and the thml lie doctrine and instruction. In the chap- 
ters before us this principle obtains. 



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208 Notices of Books, [April, 

The f\ilfilliDg of the law is the main point. Hence we have set forth the 
perfect righteousness of Christ's disciples. Heaven is promised to them, but they 
are required to accept and retain to the end what He gives, and are admonished 
how fearful will be the consequences of neglect. Corresponding to the threefold 
life of the disciple in its inward principle, outward manifestations, and the pro- 
gress demanded, there are three leading ideas in this Sermon, viz. 1. Alluring 
promises ; 2. A preceptive law ; and 3. Warning rebuke. It starts from the 
assumption that righteousness is a free gift; advances through its expression as 
evidence of its acceptance; and comes to the description of the test applied to 
professed disciples at the end of the course. 

I. The first division is contained in ch. v. 3-20. Here again we have the three- 
fold principle: I. The leading idea of promise (ver. 3-12); 2. The manifestation 
of grace received (ver. 13-16); 3. The admonitory warning, reminding us of the 
final test (ver. 17-20). 

II. This division is introduced by ver. 20, in which a transition is effected. 
Here in the form of a spiritual law we are directed to the expression of righteous- 
ness received as the gift of grace (v. 20 to vii. 14). This is preeminently the 
leading sentiment of the discourse. Three striking contrasts serve to set forth 
the righteousness of Christ's disciples. 

1. Not the Pharisees — the men of the law and of the letter, and (even to 
hypocrisy) of external appearances. This point is most fully illustrated (v. 21 to 
VI. 18), and is the basis of a correct, thorough, and spiritiud understanding of the 
law. 

2. The second contrast well harmonises with the first, for John the Baptist 
placed the Judaism of the Pharisees on a par witli heathenism, mt as the 
heathen — the self-seeking men of the flesh and of the love of the world. In the 
former it was clearly premised that the Pharisees, like the Publicans, resembled 
the heathen (v. 46; vi. 7); here it is plainly declared, and therefore we can 
understand * heathen ' in a spiritual sense of the contrast to the new, true Israel 
of the Messiah (vi. 19-34). This records the progress of undivided allegiance, and 
hearty, believing endeavours after the kingdom of God and his righteousness. 

3. This contrast relates to true discipleship. It can be no other than that of the 
true with the fiUse disciple, who brings along with him his pharismism, while he pro- 
fesses to follow Christ. Not as the half-disciple and such in outward appearance — 
the man of censoriousness and the injurious profanation of what is holy (vii. 1-14). 
Here we have shown us the perfection of love, as pure and humble as it is wise. 
Here also we find naturally the most energetic and decided utterances of Christ's 
love for his people ; and then it is the transition to the last portion of the Sermon, 
which is wholly admonitory. 

When the spiritual exposition of the law is completed, drawn away from our 
natural selfishness by spiritual understanding, we are shown (vii. 12) perfect self- 
denial, as the turning of nature to the strait gate, in order to do, and to the 
narrow way, in order to continuance in doing. Upon this point depends, not mani- 
festly, but really, — 

III. The closing division of tlie Sermon. Here, with earnest solemnity, a 
warning is erected, giving notice of each * by-path ;' and judgment is denounced, 
on those who at the end are found not to have been doers of the word of grace. 
This shows us the proof of genuine or spurious knowledge and profession. Not 
every one that says Lord, iJird, &c., will stand in judgment. The fruits of tbe 

Cice so fVeely offered at the outset will be inexorably demanded. The only 
wgiver, who requires every man to judge himself, and that for his salvation, 
appears now as the Condenmer of every one who has not made him a Saviour 
(Jas. iv. 12). But here also, however earnest the warning, we have in undertones 
the promise^ in the planting of the good tree for the good fruit (ver. 1 5-20). Then 
again the law of the divine will is ratified by an exhortation (ver. 21-23), and 
closes with a simple and powerful representation of the at all events impending 
trial; and the great fall of the house built upon the sand presents a striking 
contrast with the invitation at the beginning (ver. 24-27). 

The threefold principle thus evolved is repeated at each step of the Sermon, as 
will appear from a more particular investigation of it fpp. 64*68). 



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1853.] Notices of Books, 209 

With this condensed View of a plan which is developed in the expo- 
sition of the Sermon (pp. 68-261) we must close, assuring our readei^ 
that they will welcome the appearance of the remaining volumes of a 
work which in its present form will obtain a still wider circulation than 
did the former edition. 



Der GaUUerhrief, ubersetzty Sfc, The Epistle to the Gaiatians, 
translated^ investigated in its historical Jtelations^ and expounded^ 
with Inquiries into the Disputes respecting tlie Time of observing 
the Passover y and the Chronology of the Apostolic Labours ofPauL 
By Dr. A. Hilgenfixd. Leipsic, 1852. 8vo. pp. 239. 

The author of this work infcMrms us that it originated in the attempt to 
decide with the utmost accuracy the relation of the Apostle of the 
Gentiles to the other Apostles, and to the origpinal questions of dispute 
among Christians. The inquiry into the historical place assignable to 
this Epistle, and into the general gpround occupied by Paul, revealed 
the manifold character of their relations, invited to further researches, 
and led to the publication of the results in the form before us. 

The translation is after the text of Tischendorf ; it involves a number 
of verbal differences from that of Luther, whose simplicity we often 
greatly admire. In some cases there is a real difference, however ; as 
for instance, ch. i. 10, Luther translated TreiOo; by predige ich (do I 
preach ?) ; but Dr. Hilgenfeld adopts the more common idea. Do 1 seek 
to propiticUe the favour of men or God V Again, ii. 12, Luther renders 
mit den Heiden (with the Gentiles) ; but Dr. Hilgenfeld, mit den 
Heidenchristen (with the Gentile Christians). In ver. 13 he similarly 
translates *i6vdalot Judenchristen (Jewish Christians). Again, iii. 11, 
he renders the citation (Hab. ii. 4), der aus Glauben gerechte leben 
ttnrd (He that is justified by faith shall live), which we greatly prefer 
both as an explanation and as a translation. Ch. v. 4 is rendered by 
Dr. Hilgenfeld, * ye are excluded from the fellowship of Christ ;' a 
translation which conveys the meaning of the original, perhaps, better 
than the version of Luther or our own, which are, however, more 
literal. 

After the translation comes an inquiry into the ' hbtorical position * 
of the Epistle. Under this head the author treats of the establishment 
of the churches in Galatia by the labours of Paul, and of his second 
visit to them (pp. 17-24) ; after which he examines what is called the 
' Gentile-Christian ' character of these churches. The diflPerent views 
held on these points are clearly stated, and the opinions of Dr. Hil- 
^nfeld himself — that most of the persons who first constituted these 
churches were of Gentile origin — are expounded and defended. The 
third inquiry respects the judaizing agitation (pp. 39-49), which is 
believed gradually to have sprung up among them as Jewish converts 
increased in numbers, and as the Gentile converts yielded to them more 
and more, until with their Jewish tendencies they sought to alienate 

' See J. S. L. for October, 1852, p. 187, &c. 
VOL. IV. — NO. VII. P 

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210 Notices of Books. [April, 

the Christian mind from the Pauline views of the Gospel, and intro- 
duce a spurious compound of Judaism and Christianity. This is fol- 
lowed by a survey of the historical and dogmatical contents of the 
Epistle. The division of the whole is into three parts, which are, 
however, intimately connected with each other. They are, ^r«/, the 
personal and apologetic ; secondly^ the dogmatic ; and thirdly^ 4he 
practical. Of these, the second is on one side related to the first, and 
on the other to the third. Each division takes up two chapters of the 
Epistle, the plan of which is thus exhibited (pp. 49-53) : — 

I. Salutation and introduction (i. 1-10) ; Paul an independently 
constituted Apostle (ver. 11, 12) ; his entrance upon hb public labours 
(ver. 13-17) ; his apostolic labours from the first to the second journey 
to Jerusalem (ver. 18-24) ; his second journey to Jerusalem (ii. 1-10) ; 
Peter's visit to Antioch (ver. 11-21). 

II. Introduction (iii. 1-5) ; justification by fciith supported by proof 
from the Old Testament Scriptures (ver. 6-18); the relation of pre- 
vious religions to Christianity (iii. 19 to iv. 11) ; apostrophe or direct 
address to the readers of the Epistle (ver. 12-20) ; allegorical exposition 
of the history of the two sons of Abraham, &c. (ver. 21-31).* 

III. Admonition, urging to permanent continuance in the fieedom 
of the Gospel (v. 1-12) ; the living power and practical tendency of the 
Christian morality (ver. 1 3-25) ; exhortation to consistency of life 
(v. 26 to vi. 10) ; the conclusion of the Epistle (ver. 11-18). 

The point next examined is the relation in which Paul stood to the 
original Church and Apostles. This he surmises to have been one of 
comparative independence. And here we record our decided objection 
to the author's assumption of a wide difference between the principles 
and form of Gospel preached by the Apostle to the Gentiles and those 
of the other Apostles. 

A further question here considered respects the primitive religion 
of the world {die vorchristlicke Religion) ^ and is founded upon the 
aToc)(iia rov Kocrfxov of ch. iv. 3, and similar expressions elsewhere 
(pp. 66-78). Such language, it is maintained, identifies the Jewish 
and heathen religions, and has reference to the honour and worship of 
the heavenly bodies. Dr. Hilg^nfeld amply illustrates the acknowledged 
use oi the word (rroixtla (elements) to denote the stars in general, or 
the planets, or the zodiac. The discussion of this question is curious ; 
but the sentiments here maintained are in several respects anything but 
satis&ctory, as we would show if space permitted. 

K Diagramma propoaita nmilitudinis, 

1. Agar. Lex et Jemsalem 1. Sara. Evangeliom et Je- 

terrena. msalem ocelcttis. 

2. Ismael. Justitiarii. 2. Isaac. Fideles. 

3- Generatiosecun- Justificatio per 3. Generatiosecun- Justificatio per 
dum carnem. opera. dum spiritom. fideni. 

4. Ejectio ex fiuni- EJectio ex familia 4. Hssreditas bono- Htcreditas vitse 

lia Abrahse. Dei. rum Abrahse. iBterue. 

The above has been added from Piscator's notes on the Epistle as an interesting 
specimen of a mode sometimes adopted to exhibit the sense of a passage of Scriptnre. 



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1853.] Notices of Books. 211 

The inquiry with which the prolegomena are closed respects the 
judaizing observance of times and seasons, and the disputes respecting 
the time of observing the Passover, a rite which the author believes was 
widely diffused among the early Christians. 

After the expositk>n, of which we can only say that it displays much 
diligence and ability, but is of course not free from the bias of Dr. 
Hilgenfeld's peculiar opinions, there comes an Appendix. Here the 
place and time of writing are first considered. The result of thb is 
thus exhibited ; — * Late in the sununer of a.d. 55, Paul went still fur- 
ther from Antioch on his third missionary tour, in tlie course of which 
he again visited the churches of Galatia, and in this year it would seem 
that, either at Ephesus or on his journey thither, he wrote the Epistle 
to the Galatians ' (p. 216). A lengthened discussion of the chronology 
of the labours of Paul is introduced by the learned writer in connexion 
with this inquiry, and a number of interesting particulars are evolved. 

The character of Marcion's text of this Epistle is then investigated. 
The testimony of TertuUian {contra Marc, lib. 5) and Epiphanius 
{H(sr. xHi. 9) respecting the arrangement of Paul's Epistles by Mar- 
cioQ is adduced, and sustained by other proof. The deviations of 
Marcion's text from the received text are then examined and specified 
in accordance with the same testimonies. The conclusions arrived at 
are — 1. That some of Marcion's omissions were accidental; but 2. 
That the greater part of them were voluntary, and these proceeded in 
some cases to such an extent as wholly to distort and maim the 
Epistle. 

The book closes with an addendum^ containing a reference to a 
work (published at Oxford in 1851) which is ascribed to Hippolytus, 
as affording confirmation of the views advocated in the previous pages, 
more particularly those concerning the Passover and the primary re- 
ligion of the world. 

This sketch of the contents of the work of Br. Hilgenfeld must 
suffice. There are several passages which we had intended to extract, 
but in the case of such a book we could not quote without discussing 
those points from which we see reason to dissent. And then some of 
the most interesting portions of this work are so closely connected with 
a previous or following train of argument as to lose half their interest 
if transferred from their own place. We therefore prefer to send our 
readers to the book itself. The nature of its contents has been suffi- 
ciently indicated, so that any one may know what are the chief points 
discuraed. For the rest a few words will be enough. The author's 
manner is superior, and his mind clear and dispassionate ; his doctrinal 
tendencies can be called neither evangelical nor orthodox.* There is 
of course but little enthusiasm, and the exercise of religious emotion is 
not called forth in the reader. The author wrote for the head, and not 
for the heart, and has set forth his principles more with a view to 
theological science than a devout life. If asked to characterise the 
work, we should say, it is questions upon the Epistle to the Galatians 
proposed and answered. 



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212 Notices of Books. [Aprils 

The Bible, the Missal, and the Breviary : or Ritualism self-ilhiS' 
trated in the Liturgical Books of Rome, By the Rev. George 
Lewis. Edinburgh : T. and T. Clark. 1853. 2 vols. 8vo. 
The author of this work informs us that its object is not to present 
Romanism as an ecclesisistical system, nor yet as a scheme of doctrine, 
but as a system of ritualism, a devotional and religious life. ' This,' 
he adds, ' is the aspect of herself Rome loves to present to inquirers. 
It is her fair side, which, along with the educational emd benevolent 
use she now makes of her monastic orders of both sexes, has done most 
to soften antipathies and to seduce the simple.' In thus estimating the 
religious life of Rome she is allowed to speak for herself, and to tell 
her own way and manner of life. The author's desire has been ' to 
furnish a self-evidencing book in which any plain man may see the 
Bible and the Breviary, Ritualism and Scriptural Christianity con- 
fronted.' To accomplish this object he has embodied the Missal, which 
is the public liturgy of Rome, in the work, being, it is understood, the 
first time it has appeared in English in an unmutilated form, with all 
its rubrics and prefisices, unshorn of any of their peculiarities. The 
Missal, as thus given, occupying the second and largest volume of the 
two, forms the text, on which is engrafted as notes and illustrations 
whatever appears most interesting and characteristic in the other litur- 
gical books of Rome. Of these, the Breviary furnishes the larger 
portion, because the most important and comprehensive of all her 
church books, designed to be at once the Bible, the Bible commentary, 
the church history, and the prfvate liturgy of all her religious, to form 
their character and cherish their devotional spirit. 

Such b the character, and such are the contents of the second volume. 
The^r^^ consists of preliminary chapters, in which the author gathers 
up and presents in a consecutive form, those results of which the body 
of the work furnishes the proofs in detail. By this statement it will 
appear that Mr. Lewis undertook a task of no common interest, and of 
proportionate labour. This task he has executed exceedingly well. 
The liturgical matter has been fairly and adequately translated ; the 
appended notes are full of curious matter ; and the preliminary chap- 
ters which compose the first volume, combine the results with much 
clearness, and illustrate them by many remarkable facts and interest- 
ing details, most of which will be new to those not well versed in 
Romish church literature. Altogether, materials will here be found 
for forming a more accurate judgment of the Church of Rome in one 
of her many-sided aspects, than have hitherto been generally accessible. 
Many a keen weapon for the conflict with Rome may be drawn from 
this armoury. The tone of the work itself is, however, not belligerent. 
The author is mainly content to furnish the reader with the materials 
for forming his own judgment. He denies not the good there may be 
in Rome any more than he extenuates the evil. Speaking of the prin- 
cipal works of the Roman ritual, embodied or cited in the work, he says 
truly that 

* Revised and reformed as no other Romish thin^ have ever been, they are t« be 
regarded as the ritualism of the middle ages, purified and pruned for modem use. 



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1853.J Notices of Books. 213 

presenting the oldest, and yet the newest and best face and fiishion of Bomanism, 
such as she furnishes for the use of her more favoured children. Along with the 
more earthly fascinations of ritualistic worship, we may expect to find in these 
books whatever in matter or manner is fitted to attach the higher and better order 
of society — whatever revives or maintains their spiritual life — as well as what worics 

towards corruption and spiritual death Home has never been without good 

as well as able men in her pale ; but spiritual life, like other kinds of life, is not 
sustained without some food meet for it. That food these books chiefly supply ; 
the provision of Divine Providence, laid up even in Rome for his own children, 
and a provision that the Spirit of God has sometimes wonderfully blessed to sustain 
life in the days of famine and pestilence. By men so provided and so blessed, 
Kome has often been preserved from that overmuch wickedness that had proved 
her ruin, and as often strongly revived in faith and fervour until Grod's time shall 
come when this church of darkness and light, truth and lies, shall no longer be 
needed, nor longer permitted to darken counsel and perplex the hearts of men/ 



CyclopcBdia of Religious Biography : A Series of Memoirs of the 
most eminent Religious Characters of Modem limes ; intended for 
Family Reading. By the Rev. Robert Jamieson, D.D. London : 
Griffin and Co. 1853. 

Books for * Family Reading,* as distinguished, we presume, from 
library reading, now form a class by themselves, and a class of large 
extent and considerable value. This is a useful addition to the num- 
ber. As the volume is not large, and some fulness of detail is neces- 
sary to render such a work of any interest, the editor was necessarily 
limited in his choice of subjects. Here, indeed, must have lain his 
great difficulty ; and he has surmounted it with a fair degree of success. 
But as no two persons alive would agree as to the names which should 
be introduced into such a selection, it is enough to say that, although 
we miss some names we expected to see, and find some we did not ex- 
pect to see, the selection includes most of the persons respecting whom 
a family may be likely to need information. Indeed, we have most of 
' the Fathers,' though we might not have looked for them among * the 
religious characters of modern times,' Dr. Jamieson's name is a suffi- 
cient guarantee for the care with which these little memoirs have been 
prepared. We do not complain, as some will, of the disproportionate 
dimensions of the memoirs — some really eminent persons having often 
very short notices, while some of comparatively large extent are 
allowed to persons of little note ; for w^e know that this very much de- 
pends upon the paucity or abundance of materials, and feel that some 
scope must be allowed for the editor's sense of fitness, and for his 
national or denominational predilections. These are so far evinced in 
the work before us as to show that it is essentially a Scottish publication ; 
and we like it none the less for that, as we are thus furnished with in- 
formation not easily obtained in England respecting various Scottish 
divines of eminence. Altogether, Dr. Jamieson has presented in this 
work an acceptable offering to the family circle. 



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214 NatieeM of Books. [April, 

Cyclopetdia of Religious Denominations. Containing authentic ac- 
counts of the different Creeds and Systems prevailing throughout the 
World, written by Members of the respective Bodies. London: 
Griffin and Co. 1853. 

This is a sort of companion volume to the Cychpcedia of Modem Re^ 
ligious Biography. Since the seventeenth century there has been a 
constant succession of works of this kind at shorter or longer intervals. 
We are old enough to remember the immense popularity and extensive 
circulation of Evans's Sketch of the Denominations of the Christian 
World, The more ambitious and costly work of Adam, first intro- 
duced the plan of getting * members of the respective bodies' to furnish 
the accounts of their own denominations, — a plan not without its dis- 
advantages, but which are probably partly counterbalanced by the 
advantages. The same course was followed in an American publica- 
tion of the same sort, Rupp's Religious Denominations of the United 
States, published in 1 844, and to which, although not pamed in the 
present work, it owes a considerable proportion of its best materials 
— being the memoirs on the Jews, the Roman Catholics, the Mo- 
ravians, the Quakers, the Shakers, the Mormons (by Joe Smith 
himself), and the New Jerusalem Church, being one-third of the 
whole number here g^ven. The preparation of the original memoirs 
has for the most part been committed to competent hands ^ and the 
somewhat copious information respecting the Scottish denominations 
will be interesting in England. The merit of the different memoirs 
varies considerably. We are not prepared to say which b the best of 
them ; but we can easily say which is the worst. Nothing more bad, 
and bitter, and insulting, than the account of the * Scottish (Episcopal) 
Church,' did we ever meet with in the present age ; and if the Pres- 
byterians of the north take their impressions of episcopacy from what 
this paper describes, and from the coarse animosity towards themselves 
which it indicates, they are fully to be excused for the remnants of 
ancient dislike towards it which may still at times be traced in their 
publications. We trust this most offensive writer misrepresents his own 
church, which according to hb account stands much nearer to Home 
than does the strongest * Anglo-Catholicism' to be found in this part 
of the island ; but if he does not, we may venture to assure them 
that the episcopal Church of England is something considerably dif- 
ferent from the * Scottish (Episcopal) Church.' But the readers can 
see this from the notice of the Church of England preceding the one 
which has thus attracted our attention, and which is not badly done, 
though it might have been done better. 



The Pentateuch and its Assailants, A Refutation of the Objections 
of Modem Scepticism to the Pentateuch, By W. T. Hamilton, 
D.D. Edinburgh : T. and T. Clark. 

This is a reprint of an American work. The nature of the work is 
well defined by its title, the emphasis being laid on the word modern. 

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1853.] Notices of Books. 215 

Very satisfactory answers to the successive assailants of the Pentateuch 
have from time to time appeared during the last century and half, and 
the characterizing feature and merit of the work before us is that it 
disposes of the last batch of them. The points being for the most 
part the same that have often been assailed and often defended, the well- 
read theologian may fancy on opening the book that he has nothing 
to learn from it. In fact, a good deal of the essential matter may have 
been met with dispersedly in books and reviews ; but it is good to have - 
the whole presented here, wrought up with the results of the writer's 
own learning, thought, and research. Much of the illustrative matter is, 
however, new to this class of books, — Dr. Hamilton having a keen eye 
to perceive, and an eager hand to take hold of, any passing facts or inti- 
mations that may be brought to bear upon his arguments. The inde- 
pendent exercise of a vigorous and cultivate intellect imparts 
considerable freshness to his reasonings and conclusions, by preventing 
him from following too unreservedly any of his leaders. 

As critical ingenuity questions the genuineness of the books of the 
Pentateuch, Dr, Hamilton therefore gives half his work to its vindica- 
tion ; and as scientific discovery is arrayed in opposition to the Bible- 
recorded facts, and archaeolc^cal research is assumed to permit proof 
conclusive that the early history of the Bible is radically defective, he 
applies the other half to the consideration of the instances. 

One of the most original conclusions of the author, and the one the 
parentage of which he seenis most anxious to claim, is, that seeing the 
distinctive races of men existed (as evinced by the Egyptian monu- 
ments) within too short an interval after the Deluge to permit us to 
ascribe the diffidences to the influence of climate, the miraculous con- 
founding of tongues at Babel was attended by such modification of 
man's physical constitution as to ensure the production of those changes 
necessary to adapt the several divisions of man to the climate and 
locality to which they w&e destined. 

To the Deluge the author gives much attention, and the conclusion 
in which he rests \s that the Flood was indeed universal, and was pro- 
duced by the sea and dry land changing places, which accounts for the 
entire absence of antediluvian remains and monuments. This seems to 
us a very unsatisfactory explanation, and is open to grave objections, 
some of which are noticed by the author, but not answered to our 
satisfaction. In fact, Dr. Hamilton is more successful in defending the 
fortress against assailants, than in strengthening it by new outworks. 

In treating of the early population of the world, and the longevity 
of the antediluvians, the author produces this curious fact : — ' At this 
very moment (January 1862), when the descendants of President 
Edwards, the author of the immortal treatise on the Freedom of the 
Willy are contemplating a general family meeting, it is calculated that 
the descendants of the illustrious metaphysician number about two 
thousand, although he has been dead hardly a century.' 



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216 Notices of Books. [Apra, 

Modern Bationalism, and the Inspiration of the Scriptures. Two 
Lectures. By the Rev. T. Bibks, M. A. London : Seeleys. 1853. 

Mr. Birks is apprehensive lest our alarm at the ag^gressions of Popery, 
and kindred errors, should cause us to overlook the dark cloud 
on the opposite side of the spiritual horizon. He therefore undertakes 
in the first of these lectures to answer the grave questions, What is the 
nature and meaning of Rationalism? What are the principles on 
which it rests, its chief varieties, and the best antidotes to the danger 
with which it threatens the Christian faith? These questions are 
answered with remarkable distinctness and effect The * varieties ' of 
rationalism are defined with exact discrimination, which will render 
the book exceedingly instructive to those who need the information, 
not elsewhere so compendiously exhibited ; and in which we are evi- 
dently presented with the results of a more extensive and thoughtful 
study of the varieties of misbelief than many might have been prepared 
to expect from the author. It reminds us of the case of a physician 
conscientiously studying the nature of various poisons, that he may 
know how to administer an antidote to those who are not yet affected 
by them, and a cure to those who are. Mr. Birks conducts his inquiry 
with the calm and candid spirit of one who has mastered the subject, 
and knows what he is doing ; and he will therefore secure more atten- 
tion, and make a more decided impression, than those who strive to 
disguise the scantiness of their information by the convulsive starts and 
spasmodie contortions with which they prate of the unknown horror. 

The second lecture, on the Inspiration of the Scriptures, is more con- 
nected with the other than might at first view appear, seeing that most 
of the various forms of misbelief grow out of diflferent views of the 
Scriptures. The main varieties in these views are well indicated by the 
author. The first is, that they are merely human writings, however 
rich they may be in wisdom, and consequently have no peculiar claim 
to divine authority. Inspiration, in terms, may still be allowed them, 
is^ the same sense in which it belongs to Shakspeare's plays, to Newton's 
Principia, or the latest patent for the improvement of the steam-eng^e. 
The second is, that the Bible is not the word of God, but nevertheless 
does contain and include a divine revelation. This is the view of many 
of the most eminent German divines, who liave used it in maintaining 
the truth of the Gospel against the mythical theorists and naturalists of 
their own land^ and which has made some progress in this country, 
though it has not yet made any strong impression as against the ortho- 
dox view still current among British Christians— that the Bible itself, 
throughout, is truly the word of God, so that the whole possesses a 
divine authority, and has a claim on the faith of mankind, in contrast 
with all other writings of good and wise men. This view, however, 
varies from the hypothesis of an immediate and mechanical dictation of 
every part, so that the several writers are only pens used by the divine 
spirit, to an admission not merely of man's joint agency, but of human 
fallibility, and errors in the minor details, by which it becomes barely 
distinguishable from the previous view. 

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1853.] Notices of Books, 217 

These views are successively discussed and commented on by Mr. 
Birks with an earnestness, clearness, and fulness of knowledge, which 
will render this lecture very interesting and serviceable to the many who 
are continually meeting with allusions to these differences of opinion, 
without any distinct conception of their nature. The great evil of the 
day is ignorance in one class of society, and vagueness of knowledge 
(which is, indeed, but a species of ignorance) in the other. For the 
latter form of this evil, upon two subjects of deep interest, the book 
before us offers an excellent remedy. 



A New Edition of the Authorized Version of the Bible, in which it 
has been attempted by various Helps in Arrangement and Printing, 
and by Notes, to put the English Reader, as far as possible, in the 
position of one who is well acquainted with, and enters into the Spirit 
of, the Original Scriptures. London: Robert B. Blackader. 1853. 

This is the first Part, containing the Book of Genesis, of what promises 
to be a very valuable work — an excellent Bible for general use, and 
embodying within the narrowest possible limits a large amount of va- 
rious information, which cannot fail to be acceptable to every intelligent 
reader and student of the Sacred Scriptures. Apart from this, much of 
the merit of the work consists in its typographical arrangements, which, 
without any alteration of the text, furnish divers nicely contrived aids 
for the more advantageous reading and better understanding of the 
sacred volume. Some of these, and of the other features of the work, 
have been singly exhibited in other editions of the Bible ; but in this 
they are combined with the new contrivances of the editor, whose evi- 
dent ingenuity, industry, and care, claim great commendation, and 
entitle him to vigorous support in a very arduous undertaking. 

The portion which lies before us exhibits the following features. 
First we find a sensible Preface to the work generally. We have then 
a Synoptical Table of Sacred Chronology, following the dates of Bishop 
Russell, which are substantially those of Dr. Hales, after the larg^ com- 
putation of the Septuagint. There is then a short introduction to Ge- 
nesis; and then we reach the text itself. This is exhibited in two 
columns, with ruled marginal side columns, in a conveniently sized page, 
at the top of which are the dates a.m. and B.C., and a note of the extent 
of text contained in the page. The text is judiciously divided into sec- 
tions and paragraphs ; and at the head of each chapter are notes of time, 
place, and contents. The side columns are filled with references, with 
parallel texts printed in full, with the marginal readings, and with illus- 
trative and explanatory notes. To these side notes there is an index at 
the end of the book ; and the part closes with a really valuable ap- 
pendix, comprising the most im'portant various readings, critical notes 
from the best sources. Continental and British, and elucidations from 
modem discoveries and travels. This appendix forms a very important 
and novel feature of the undertaking, and affords manifest traces of a 
learned and able hand. Upon the whole, as we have more than once 



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218 Nx>tices of Book$. [April, 

mentioned the design of this work, we are bound to say that the result, 
as exhibited in the portion presented to us, does not in any way fall 
short of, but very considerably exceeds, our expectations. 



The Unseen Hand ; or, EpUodee in cm Eventful Life. By the Eev. 
Stopfokd J. Ram, M. A. Bath : Binns and Goodwin. 

This is a very good specimen of a class of books generally acceptable 
to young persons, and seldom unacceptable to those of adult years. 
Whatever interest belongs to it will doubtless be enhanced by the 
assurance which the author gives, that his book contains ' simply a reci- 
tal of occurrences and events that have really taken place within the 
last ten years.' These chiefly illustrate the influence of firm Christitm 
principle under many trying circumstances, on the one haAd ; and of the 
want of it, on the other. The contrast is effective, and skilfully though 
not elaborately wrought out ; it furnishes many important and inter- 
esting precedents for the application of real religion to conduct in life ; 
and the author brings a skilful hand and sharp instrument to the 
anatomy of many social errors and abuses. The religion is of a very 
earnest, uncompromising, and wholesome sort ; and the writer more 
than once shows a keen eye for character, and evinces considerable 
mastery over the springs of emotion in the human heart. The name of 
the author seems to be new in this branch of literature, but will pro- 
bably become better known. The Unseen Hand is witnessed princi- 
pally in the chain of circumstances which led the hero to change his 
purpose of going to America, after he had embarked, and in the im- 
portant consequences to him which resulted therefrom. The descriptions 
of the interior of an emigrant ship, of University life, and of a pastor's 
vififit to the sick and dying of his flock, are all very good, and would 
preserve a worse book than this from perislung. 



Sufferings and Glories of the Messiah, An Exposition of Psalm xviii. 
and Isaiah Hi. 13, liii. 12. By John Brown, D.D. Edinbuigh: 
Oliphant and Sons. 1853. 

The rich tide of Dr. Brown's publications still flows on, and will not, we 
trust, soon be exhausted ; for the Christian Church cannot hope often 
to receive from a single hand so lavish an outpouring of flrst-class theo- 
logical literature. The year has scarcely b^un and we have before us 
two large and full volumes on different subjects bearing the date of that 
year, and another of smaller size belonging to the close of last year. Of 
these we have as yet only been able to examine properly the one named 
at the head of this notice. The present volume offers admirable exam- 
ples of those expository lectm-es which Dr. Brown has given us repeated 
occasion to commend. The reading of these may well have excited 
a desire to know how he would be likely to deal with the g^reat 
Messianic predictions of the Old Testament ; and here tliat dee=ire U 

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im.] Notices of Book9. 219 

gratified in regard to the most important of them — thote which the most 
plainly set forth the glories and sufferings of Christ In ^ expository' 
lectores oratorical displays are not to be looked for, and would in some 
measure be out of place ; but while we have here the exhaustive fulness 
and the depth of sound theology which reminds one of the old divines, 
the lecturer often rises to animated eloquence in contemplating the 
glories and sufferings of the Redeemer. The conviction hais been re- 
peatedly expressed in this Journal that there is no department of 
theology more important or more essentially useful than the comparison 
of the Messianic prophecies in the Old Testament with the fulfilment 
in the New. With this conviction upon our minds it is a peculiar 
satisfaction to us that the task of giving the results of such a compa- 
risoD, as far as regards the great passages indicated, has devolved on 
one so competent as Dr. Brown to meet the exigencies of so grand a 
theme. The work will henceforth be indispensable to that study ; and 
the theological public has much reason to be thankf\il for the aid to- 
wards it which is here Aimished. We possess several great works on 
the subject of the Messianic predictions as a whole ; but we have not 
heretofore— either in such general works or apart fit>m them— ^ had any 
comparable to this, upon these crowning prophecies of David and of 
Isaiah. 



Dctily Bible lUusiraiions ; being Original Readings for a Year, on 
Subjects from Sacred History, Biography, Geography^ Antiquities, 
and Theology, Especially designed for the Family Circle. By 
John Kitto, D.D., F.S. A. Evening Series : Life and Death of 
our Lord Edinburgh : Oliphant and Sons. 1853. 

This new volume of the ' Daily Bible Illustrations ' will probably be- 
come the most popular of the series to which it belongs, as it is wholly 
devoted to the history of the Gospels, and therefore virtually forms a 
Life of Christ, the portions of which are so related as to furnish an in- 
terpretation of the events recorded. The successive ^ Readings' are 
more connected than in any previous volume, seeing that the necessity 
of comprising in the volume every circumstance of our Saviour's life 
precluded that selection of topics which has been more or less exercised 
in dealing with other portions of Scripture. But although such a selec- 
tion has in this case been precluded, some circumstances have been set 
forth in greater fulness than others. 

The tone of the volume is not in any way polemical, though it is 
plain that the author has, as he states, ^ often, in a quiet way, endea- 
voured to meet various exceptions which have been taken to particular 
points in the g^pel history of Christ.' He further expresses a hope, 
*' that some readers may receive assistance and benefit, for the better 
understanding of our Lord's history as a whole, from the solicitude 
with which the writer has endeavoured to realise, and bring continually 
into view, the position which Jesus seemed to occupy in the eyes of the 
people — the condition of the country and the state of Jewish public opi- 
nion at the time he appeared — the fluctuations of that opinion in regard 

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220 Notices of Books. [April, 

to himself — and tlie cause that led to, or the effects that resulted from, 
the particular circumstances recorded ; showing, it is believed, that the 
Gospel is not made up of a series of isolated incidents or '^ anecdotes," 
but that all its parts will be found, by those who examine them with 
attention, not only to manifest purpose, but to bear a close relation to 
each other/ 

Of the manner in which the task the author proposed to himself in 
this volume has been executed, no judgment can here be given. The 
volume that remains due will comprise the history of the Apostles, as 
embodied in the Acts, and illustrated by the Epistles. 



Six Lectures on Christian Evidence. By John Cook, D.D. Ed in- 
burgh; Paton and Ritchie. 1852. 

These Lectures were addressed to students attending the classes of Li- 
terature and Philosophy, in the united Collies of St. Salvator's, St. Leo- 
nard's, and St. Andrew's. The object is to set forth the grounds on 
which those who have not expressly studied the matter may rest fully 
persuaded that the ministers of the word do not follow cunningly de- 
vised fables in making known to them the power and coming of our 
Lord Jesus Christ. There are many considerations which in the pre- 
sent age render it incumbent upon every one, to the extent of his oppor- 
tunities, to obtain information on the certainty of this great truth — that 
the gospel of Jesus Christ is from heaven and not from men. For, 
although he may not himself have any doubts on the subject, he may 
else feel troubled and embarrassed at the cavils of gainsayers. Dr. Cook 
is therefore entitled to thanks for the clear and vigorous summary of 
this high argument which he has g^ven in this small and cheap, yet not 
meagre work, as a suitable introduction to, or, when means fail, substi- 
tute for, more extended inquiries. 



Lays of the Future. By William Leask. London : Partridge and 

Oakey. 1853. 

Mr. Leask is the author of that fine work * The Beauties of the 
Bible,* which we, not long ago, mentioned with commendation. This is, 
we believe, his first public appearance as a poet ; though those ac- 
quainted with his previous ' prose ' works would predicate that he was 
essentially a poet, whether he ever had written or should write a line 
of verse or not ; we should not have thought otherwise, had he foiled to 
clothe in verse his poetical conceptions. But here he has attempted 
this, and has not failed ; and has thus established his claim to poetical 
honours, in the only form in Khich that claim is usually recognized. 
The author is one of the now numerous body of believers in the pre- 
millennial advent — in a * good time coming' — which is, he says, believed 
by some, rather hoped than believed by others, and absolutely despaired 
of by multitudes. Those who only hope, and even those who despair, 
muiit yet admit that the theme supplies congenial themes for poesy. 



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1853.] Notiees of Books. 221 

This Mr. Leask has seen; and his treatment of them offers many 
high and tender thoughts, and many striking and beautifu] pictures, 
presented in nervous lines; and when the themes rise to grandeur, 
the writer's muse proves equal to them. The pieces are mostly in 
blank verse, but there are a few in rhyme. The book seems to us 
entitled to attention ; and the correct taste of the author will prevent 
offence being g^ven, even where concurrence is not obtained. 



The Annotaled Paragraph Bible, Part III. London: Religious 
Tract Society. 1853. 

This third portion of a work already repeatedly noticed extends 
from Job to Solomon's Song, inclusive ; comprising therefore what are 
called the Poetical Books. To these some general remarks on the 
Poetical Books and on Hebrew poetry are prefixed ; and the prefaces 
to the several books are sensibly and carefully written. The notes, 
though as usual very brief, are even more than usually good in this 
portion, and the parallel references continue to be copious and (as far 
as we have examined them) well selected. The three parts have just 
been issued in a handsome volume, and we presume that one more such 
volume will comprise the Prophets and the New Testament. In looking 
through the volume as a whole, we perceive that the Pictorial Bible and 
other productions of Dr. Kittohave been laid under liberal contribution 
for the contents, but we have not seen that his name occurs once in any 
jKirt of the work. This is, however, customary. This Annotated 
Bible is altogether well edited, and forms a very valuable addition to 
the publications of the Society which issues it. 



Cyclopcedia Bibliographical Nos. 4, 5, and 6. London : James 
Darling. 1853. 

These three numbers carry the alphabet of thi« excellent publication 
from Bull to Druit, and from pages 481 to 959. At this rate the 
extent of the volume, comparing the alphabetical arrangement of 
others, promises to be something considerable ; but as this is owing to 
the very satisfactory manner in which not merely the titles, but the 
contents of the several works are exhibited, we would not have it other- 
wise, for it is this which renders the * Cyclopaedia Bibliographica ' of 
inestimable value to students and others, in finding the works and the 
volumes containing the information they require. The volume will not, 
however, be so extensive as may be made to appear by arithmetical 
calculation. It is easy to say that, if four letters make 959 pages, 
twenty-four will make 5744 pages! But nothing is more incorrect 
than this mode of calculation, nor more discouraging to compilers of 
cyclopaedias and catalogues, who know experimentally that the burden 
of proper names, &c., fidls upon the first four or five letters of the 
alphabet. In the ' Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature,' in two volumes, 
the first volume goes no further than II. In Smith's ' Dictionary of 

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222 Notices of Books. [April, 

Greek and Roman Biography,' in three volumes, the first goes no 
further than D ; and in several book catalogues we have just examined - 
the four first letters, A — D, always occupy one-third of the catalogue. 
We must therefore multiply this portion of Mr. Darling's catalogue by 
three, and not by six, in estimating its probable extent. 



Sunday Beading for Christian Families. Conducted by John Kitto, 
D.D., F.S.A. Part I. April. London : R. Needham. 

Tifis is the first monthly part of a weekly publication, which is 
designed to furnish suitable reading to Christian families during the 
hours not engaged in the public worship. There are probably few 
families in which the want of something of this sort has not been felt ; 
for although there are many hooks suitable for this purpose, they are 
singly expensive, and, unless at a large outlay in the constant purchase 
of new ones, the charm and attraction is wanting of that freshness, 
and that variety of interesting matter, which a magazine presents. As 
most of the readers of the Journal will probably become acquainted with 
this publication, it is scarcely necessary to explain to them its nature fur- 
ther. The name of the editor will prepare them to expect that it is largely 
devoted to the biblical matters, in almost every variety of form, which 
can be sui^)osed acceptable in a publication intended rather for &mily 
than library use, — interpretation, illustration, biography, geography, &c. 
Then there are also rebgious biography, sketches of religious character 
and incident, essays on social and relative duties, poetry, original and 
select ; at the close of all a closely-packed page of bright sentences, 
under the title of ^ Sparklets and Fearls,' and other matters suited to 
make up an agreeable and instructive miscellany, something above the 
common run of weekly publications, for Sunday reading. Though the 
publication furnishes good materials that might be used in sermons^ 
there is less of direct sermon matter than one would expect at first 
view ; but on reference to the prospectus it is seen that, the day being 
Sunday, it is thought desirable to leave this part of the day's sacred work 
to the minister. * Not professing to supersede the preaclier, but to follow 
him, the contents will not be largely of a practical character ; but no 
proper opportunities will be neglected of elucidating, in ^'a^ious forms 
and applications, the teachings of Scripture, or of enforcing the religious, 
social, and moral obligations of the Christian life.' 



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1853.] IntelUgmce. i23 



INTELLIGENCE. 



BIBLICAL. 

At the Syro-Egyptian Society, December 1 4th, there were read 'Some Inscrip- 
tions on Bricks from Koyunjik " by Dr. Grotefend, transited by the Rev. 6. 
Rfjiouard. The inscriptions are in the works of Mr. Jiayard, published by the 
Trustees of the British Museum. Dr. Grotefend says, that those who refer the 
original inscriptions to Sennacherib will believe that by Nergal Sharczer, his mur- 
derer is signified ; but seeing that in the word Framatardkh, a Median title with a 
Babylonian formative syllable is applied to him, he thinks he must be identified 
with the prophet Daniel's Darius the Mede. 

Miss Fanny Corbaux exhibited drawings of the principal figures painted on the 
tombs of Seti Menephtah I. and Rameses III., regarding these subjects not as an 
ethnographical' classification of the human race, as commonly conjectured, but as 
strictly commemorative, like the historical temple sculptures. The various people 
whom the Theban king claimed as vassals are tendering their homage in his tomb. 
The Egyptian race leads the procession ; the nations acauired by conquest follow. 
The latter bear descriptive epithets. I. Nehasu, or rebelliout race— the aboriginal 
blacks of Gush: II. Temahu, or Northern race — the Bephaim ; III. Shemu, or 
Shemite race — the Aramites, among whom the Edomite colonists of the Horite 
valley are also included. In support of these positions. Miss Corbaux referred to 
the drawings, shewing the costumes of the two latter people taken from the 
historical sculptures, where the names of their lauds are given, and all of which 
she had identified. She concluded by suggesting that the well-known subject on 
the tombs of Beni Hassan— an embassy of 37 foreifpers, headed by their hyk or 
chief— which was once thought to represent the arrival of the Jews, mi^t present 
an early type of the Rephaim nations, prior to their establishment in Bgypt— prior, 
perhaps, to their subdivisions into the tribes mentioned in Deut. ii. — Athenaumf 
Dee. 25th. 

At the Asiatic Society, February 5th, the Assistant Secretarr read extracts of 
letters received from Colonel Rawlinson, communicating the finding of a large 
number of inscriptions in real bond fide Scythian languages. 

These inscriptions are all more ancient than those of the Achiemenian kings. 
The Colonel is satisfied that idl the Hamite nations. Gush, Mizraim, Nimrod, and 
Canaan, were Scythian, the two former, perhaps, mixed up with races of Shemite 
origin. We believe that, at the period when these inscriptions were first written, 
that is to say, about the 18th century B.C., the Scythians and the Sbemites were 
so completely mineled together in Syria that they cannot now be distinguished, 
but that the Scyths were the first settiers, followed by the race of Shem after a 
long interval. This clears up most of the difficulties in the patriarchal genealogies^ 
and accounts for the confusion of Greek tradition. 

The Scythic Gush were spread over N. E. Africa, Arabia, and Susiana, as wer« 
the Cephenes ; and hence the double myth regarding Gepheus, and perhaps th« 
Asiatic and Aif^ican Memnon. 

The importance of these views, and their bearing on the world's history, at th« 
period relative to which the first definite notions of the movements and distribution 
of nations have been handed down to us, cannot be too highly appredated. In 
his last communication the Colonel enclosed a drawing of a bronze lion, which 
had been recenUy dug up by the Turks at Nebi Yunus, very similar in form to 
one of black marble fouiul some weeks ago at Baghdad. ^ The latter had a car- 
touche on the breast, containing a name in Egyptian hieroglyphic characters, 
which has not yet been read; but the bronze figure had an inscription in the 
Assyrian character, which was clearly read, — Esar>haddon, conqueror of Mizraim 
and Gush. This was strongly confirmatory of the announcement he had made 
hst year, to the Society, of the conquest of Egypt by Esar-haddon. 



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224l InteUigence. [April, 

Id the waj of geographical discovery, Colonel Rawlinson finds that Seppareh 
or Sepharraim was the same place as Borsippa, the modem Birs. He has found 
in the Talmud abundant confirmation of the Scythic empire of Nimrod, and has 
ascertained that the primeval cities were situated to the south, as he haid always 
suspected, Erech beins Warka, Accad the same as Akar, near Warsit, and Calneh 
Niffer. He is still inclined to see Shinar in the modem Senkereh. 

Colonel Sykes read a paper illustrating some miniature figures of Buddhist 
chaityas moulded in clay, found by Major Kittoe in the ruins of the temple of 
Saroath, near Benares, and which were exact representations of the large chaityas 
in the Indian rock-cut temples. These figures contain the Buddhist confession of 
faith stamped in relief upon a separate bit of clay, which must have been imbedded 
while the fatter was still soft, because the relief inscription on the imbedded bits 
of clay was, in all cases, visibly impressed on the side of the hollow from which it 
was extracted. Professor Wilson, in his *■ Arcana Antiqua,' has given a drawing 
of a seal bearing the same dogma ; and Dr. J. Bird discovered it engraven on a 
copper-plate in tne excavations which he made at the Buddhist rock-cut temples 
of Kenan. 

The characters of the various inscriptions indicate that the^ were written 
between the seventh and tenth centuries. The language is Sanscnt, but is seldom 
accurate, and no two of the inscriptions quite agree, but the sense of all is the 
same. Mr. Spence Hardy, in his ' Manual of ^ Buddhism/ states the do^ma to be 
contemporaneous with Buddha himself, but it b somewhat singular that it has not 
been found among any of the more ancient Buddhist inscriptions. Colonel Sykes 
considers these chaityas to have been votive oflFerin§|s. The discovery of this 
dogma in different parts, and written so late as the beginning of the 10th century, 
proves the prevalence of Buddhism up to that period, and substantiates the accounts 
given of Buddhism in India, by the Chinese travellers of the fifth and seventh 
centuries. — Literary Gazette^ Feb. 26. 

The investigations set on foot by the London Jews' Society respecting the 
remnant of Abraham's seed in the Chinese empire have been followed up by a 
second visit to Kae-fung-foo of the two natives employed on the first occasion. 
They purchased fh>m the Jewish community in that place six of the twelve rolls 
of the law belonging to their synagogue, and obtained besides about 40 smaller 
books, which may possibly contain some records of their early history and mi- 
srations to China. Two of the rolls have been already sent to this country. 
The Bishop of Victoria writes, August 22 : — * The last important circumstance is 
the arrival of two native Jews, who are now diligently studvin^ Hebrew under 
Dr. Medhurst's roof. They seem alive to the humiliation of navmg lost Hebrew 
from among them.' 

These two young Chinese Jews subsequently returned to Kae-fung-foo, and it 
is expected that other Jewish youths will be induced to come to Hong Kong for 
instruction. — Miuionary Register^ Feb. 1853. 

At the Syro-Egyptian Society, Jan. 11th, a description was read of a cylinder 
which is considemi by Mr. Abington, as well as by Colonel Rawlinson, to have 
been a public signet. On this cylinder is a majestic figure, clothed in a tunic and 
robe, richly embroidered and fringed, in the fashion of the kings of Assyria. The 
helmet upon his head is decorated with one pair of horns, the symbols of regal 
power. His body is fliraished with four wings, indicating the extent of dominion 
to the four quarters of the heavens. Mr. Sharpe exhibited lithographic drawings 
of the inscriptions on the great sarcophagus in the Louvre in Paris, which he is 
about to publish in his ' Egyptian Inscriptions.' He pointed out the conquest of 
the eternal Serpent, the enemy of the human race ; a sacrifice of men to Osiris, 
who sits with a pair of scales before him to weigh their conduct. The sarco- 
phagus Mr. Sharpe considered not more ancient than the Ptolemies. The writing 
was not, as in the ancient inscriptions, so that the reader met the points of the 
letters, but, as in other alphabets, he follows the backs of the characters. 

Mr. W. H. Black read some notes on the ' Restoration of Fertility to the Soil of 
Palestine ;' in which he attributed the desert appearance of the land in general to 
the neglect of cultivation for many ages, and not to natural causes, as erroneously 



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185a.] Intelligence, 226 

snppofled. Mr. Black briefly narrated the experiments made hj M. Meshullam 
of Jenisalem, and the American Seventh-day Baptists, who have jointly established 
a small agricultural colony at Artos, near Bethlehem, with ftreat success. He 
also read several extracts from their correspondence, and confimied the fact of the 
testimony of individuals who have recently visited that interesting settlement, that 
within the past year they have raised successive crops of com (the wheat growing 
as high as a tall man), besides an abundance of fruit and vegetables, bow native 
and exotic This paper was followed by a conversation, in which the possibility 
of recovering the far-iamed fertility of Palestine was confirmed by M. Bonomi and 
by Bisk Allah Effendi, fh)m their personal knowledge of the country. 

At the Syro-Egyptian Society, March 8, the Rev. Mr. Tumbull read a paper 
'On Damascus.' The extraordinary antiquity of this city, combined with its 
peculiarly beautiful situation, render it an object of universal interest. It is 
named Gen. xiv. The author derived the name fWmi HDl (Damah), and ilpfiS^ 
(Mashkah), a watered plain. Ui, eldest son of Aram, was probably the founder; 
his brother Hul settling on the streams of Hermon, and giving his name to the 
land of Huleh to this day ; Gether or Theger, and Masb, the other sons of Aram, 
giving their names to the Tigris and the Masian mountains. The city is in length 
abont two and a^half miles, and in breadth three-quarters of a mile, beautifiUly 
situated in an extensive plain. The author suggested that at some future period 
the foundations of Dunascus might afford instructive additions to the ancient 
( of Nineveh and Babylon^ — Literaty GoMStte, March 19. 



LITERARY AND EDUCATIONAL. 

At the Asiatic Society, January 15th, Professor Wilson delivered a lecture <m 
theVedas. 

The existence of these books became known to Ehirope about the middle of the 
last century. In 1789 a copy obtained by Colonel Poller firom Jeyptfr was pre- 
sented to the British Museum. Of the four Vedas, the texts of three and the 
translations of two are either printed or in the course of publication. The Vedas 
consist of two parts — the Mantra and Brahmana, or the practical and the specu- 
lative, — ^tke former consisting of hymns, and the latter chiefly of directions for the 
applications of the hymns to the principal reli^ous ceremonies. The meta- 
physical treatises called Upanishads are included m the Brahmanas. The whole 
of the hymns, as grouped together, form what is called the Sanhita of the Veda; 
that of the Rigveda contains about 10,000 stanzas ; and the shortest, that of the 
Sama, or third Veda, about 1600. Of the four Vedas, the Rigveda is certainly the 
most ancient, for parts of that are found in each of the others. The chief value 
of the Vedas depends upon their high antiquity, the Rigveda being probably 
compiled about the 14th or 1 5th century B.C. No warrant is found in the Vedas 
for any of the principal dogmas and institutions of modem Hindiiisih. The real 
character of their sacred writings has hitherto been hidden from the Hindtis by 
the difiSculties of the language ; but through the English language — a medium of 
which multitudes are already able to avail themselves — the Hindiis will become 
acquainted with these works, which they deem the basis of their &ith, and will 
see the utter hollowness of this foundation. — AtheruBum, Jan. 29th. 

Recent letters from Egypt report the discovery in that country of a buried city. 
It is alleged to be situated alxmt five hours' journey fh>m Cairo, near the first 
cataract. It is said that an Arab, having observed what appeared to be the head 
of a sphinx appearing above the ground near this spot, drew the attention of a 
French gentleman to the circumstance, who commenced excavating, and laid 
open a long-buried street, which contained 38 granite sarcophagi, ea3i of which 
weighed aoout 68 tons, and which formerly held evidently the ashes of sacred 
animals. The French gentleman, it is added, has got a grant of the spot from 
the Egyptian Pasha, and has exhumed ^eat quantities of curiosities, — some of 
them ancient earthenware vessels of a diminutive size. This street, when lighted 
VOL. IV. — NO. VII. Q 

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up at night, forms a maffnificent sight. It is upwards of 1600 yards in length. 
Many of the curiosities dug out have, it is added, to be kept buried in sand to 
preserve them from perishing. — Athenaum, Jan. 29th. 

At the Royal Society of Literature, February 5th, the Rev. Churchill Babington 
gave an interesting account of the orations of Hyperides, which he has been 
engaged in editing. Mr. Babinffton stated that in 1847 Mr. Harris of Alexandria 
discovered at Thebes, in Upper Egypt, three ft-agments of a Greek papyrus con- 
taining a part of an oration of Hypendes against Demosthenes, charging him with 
having accepted a bribe. These were edited first in Germany, and subsequently 
in £ingland by Mr. Babington, the editors in both countries agreeing that the 
fragments were parts of different orations. About the same time Mr. Arden was 
travelling in'E^^l>t» and obtained from the Arabs another papyrus, which has been 
committed to Mr. Babington's care^ and which is now executed in fito-simile and 
ready to be published. This papyrus contains one complete oration of Hyperides, 
in favour of Euxenippus, and fifteen columns of another. The oration in fi&vour 
of Euxenippus is interesting, as relating to a dispute about some lands granted by 
Philip of Macedon to the Athenians after the battle of Cheronea. There is a ^ood 
deal of historical matter in it, and some notice of the silver-mines of Launum. 
The stvle is perspicuous, and the Greek very elegant, and there are some words 
in it of very rare occurrence. 

The date of the fragment of the oration ibr Lycophron is ascertained within a 
short period by the mention of the name of Dioxippus the pugilist, who contended 
in the presence of Alexander the Great in b.c. 326, and who probably left Europe 
about B.C. 334. It is probable that the date of this oration was about the same 
time. It contains some interesting notices of the government of the island of 
Lemnos. — Literary Gazette, Feb. 19th. 

From the Bishop of Victoria's letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, it appears 
that the new buildings at St. I'aul's College, Hong- Kong have been completed, in 
which the Bishop now resides as Warden of the college, together with a full staff 
of tutors and students. 

This institution was founded by the- Rev. Vincent Stanton, by whose exertions 
an Anglo-Chinese school was opened in 1849. 

By a munificent private donation and a grant of 20001. tram the Society for the 
Promotion of Christian Knowledge, the Bishop of Victoria has been enabled to 
complete all the requisite buildings of a collegiate establishment The senior tutor 
is the Rev. E. T. R. Moncricff. —itftswoiwry Register ^ Feb. 

The Report of the Rev. E. Jones, Principal of the Fousah-Bay Institution, 
Sierra Leonp, presents an interesting view of the advancing character of the studies 
which are prosecuted by the students, who are negro youths, whose Christian 
character and suitableness in other respects afford tlie promise of their becoming 
suitable teachers amongst their countrymen. The following is the amount of work 
which the first class, containing four pupils, has accomplished in four years. Com- 
mencing with the elements of Greek and Hebrew, they have read the whole of the 
New Testament, with Arnold's two works on Greek prose composition. They 
have mastered the five books of Euclid, with a knowledge of quadratic equations in 
algebra. Keightley's Reformation, Nicholls' Help, Home's Introduction, the firet 
28 articles in Burnet, English Grammar, Geography, and Composition, Barth's 
Church History, and Spanhcim's Bk^Iesiastical Annals to tlie end of the fiAh 
century have all been acquired. In Hebrew they have read the whole of Genesis, 
94 Psalms, and 50 chaptera of Isaiah, and are, therefore, prepared to pursue the 
study themselves. The progress of the second and third classes is equally pleasing. 
The total number of students is 17, and their conduct in and out of class is orderiy 
and respectful. The expected arrival of Bishop Vida) is looked forward to with 
joy and gratitude. — Mif, Register, Feb. 1853. 

At the New York Historical Society, Feb., Professor Adolphus L. Koeppen read 
a paper on the late discoveries in archaeology in the Piraeus at Athens. Among 
the most interesting of the exhumed relics is a series of marble slabs, 36 in 
number, giving a detailed description of the state of Athenian shipping in the time 



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1853.] InteUigence. 227 

of Demosthenes. The names and registers of 372 ship are ^Ten, and the most 
rapid sailers among them all, are indicated. Several interesting fficts were cited 
by Professor Koeppen to prove the authenticity of the speculations arising from 
the results of the late investigations — Norton* g Literary Gazette, 

Just above the square, and near the Greek church, at Alexandria, there has beem 
laid open very recently, the foundation of what is believed to be that of the once 
famous library of Alexandria, destroyed by the caliph Omar. The ruins dug 
from this spot, which consist principally of bricks, are being sold for ordinary 
purposes. During the stay of the mail steamer Kipon at Alexandria, at the begin- 
ning of this month, the Admiralty agent, Lieut. Newenham, visited this spot: 
and he states that he saw there large quantities of calcined earth and blackened 
bricks, the effect of fire. Lieut. Newennam brought awav with him, and has now 
at Southampton, a drawing from a lurndsome sculptured blue granite stone, found 
amongst the rubbish on this spot. The drawing represents a winded sphere^ 
underneath which is a figure like a baboon, in a sittine posture, with uplifted 
hands. Below this are the fig^ures of what are believed to be kings, over the heads 
of which are a Quantity of hieroglyphics, seemingly a record of their names and 
titles. — Daily News, 

At the Royal Asiatic Society, Dec. 18th, extracts were read from a paper by 
J. R. Logan, &q., ' On the traces of an Ethnic connexion between the basm of the 
Ganges and the Indian Archipelago, before the advance of the Hindus into the 
former.* A considerable portion of the paper comprised a statement of Mr. Logan's 
views on the transition of monosyllabic to dissyllabic languages. He considers 
that, although monosyllabic languages may be rich and elaborate in forms and 
powers, and the people who speak them be a civilized community, they must, 
from the tonic impediment to tne union of words, continue to be cumbrous and 
crude, and incapable of expressing the more subtle and complex phenomena of the 
intellect. — Literary Gazette, Jan. 15th. 

At the Royal Society of Literature, Jan. 12th, Mr. Watkins Lloyd read a paper 
on ' Some Astronomical Epochs and Phenomena, in connection with the plan or 
design of the Pyramids,' in which he pointed out the interest which had been 
nbewn, Arom the earliest ages to the present time, in the question whether the 
udes of the pyramids were for the most part built at an angle of inclination with 
the horizon, to which it was possible to give any distinct astronomical meaning. 

Mr. Lloyd stated that it was natural to expect, in a country where so larse a 
portion of the ancient religion had to do with the sun, that the position and in- 
clination of the sides of the pyramids would in some way be connected with that 



luminary ; and that this presumpUon is borne out by the Sphinx, which was con- 
nected architecturally with the pyramids, and, like them, faces due east. In his 
belief, the intention of the builders of these vast structures, besides their primary 
object as tombs, was that they should indicate the period of the equinoxes and 
solltices. That, even now, after allowing for some change which has taken place 
in the obliquity of the ecliptic since these buildings were first raised, the inclina- 
tion of the skies of the great pyramid, does this appear to be true fh)m the cal- 
culations which Mr. Lloyd furnished, and which rendered his paper a valuable 
exponent of a curious and hitherto unsolved problem. ^XtVerary Gazette^ Jan. 
15th. 

It has been proposed in New York that a convention of librarians should be 
held at some convenient time and place for consultation about various matters 
pertaining to ' the craft.' By such a convention the experience of long-established 
institutions, and their well-trained conductors, might so be brought out as to inform 
and benefit the more recent establishments and the less accomplished librarians. 
Such a convention would be useful amongst us who have so many institutions and 
printing societies. ' Among experienced librarians there are numerous questions of 
doubt and difiS^ulty, where a comparison of the views of those whose practice has beoi 
different would be of the greatest advantage ; — the preparation of catalogues for 
the use of the library officers as well as for the public ; the preservation of books 
from worms, mould, fire, and decay ; the method of delivering books, the manner 
of changing them, and the imposing of fines ; the eonstmction and arrangement 

Q 2 

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i28 Intelligence. [April, 

of libranr buildings ; the qualiflcatioiis and education desirable In a librarian ; 
and the formation of general indexes apon particular topics of inquiry incidental! j 
treated in different works.' 

It will be remembered that in 1849 the British Government sent to Central 
Africa a second expedition, consisting of one Englishman, Dr. James Richardson, 
and two Germans, Drs. Barth and Overweg, the chief object of which was to 
determine the boundaries of Lake Tsad, and to conclude commercial treaties with 
the natives. Dr. Richardson fell a victim, but the others continued their route. 
They determined the boundaries, and proved the dis-connection between the 
Tsad and the river Quorra (Niger), a fact previously much dbputed, and collected 
a most valuable mass of geoWical, philological, historical, and other scientific 
data. They have sent home for scientific assistance, and Dr. Edward Vogel, 
F.R.A.S., accompanied by two sappers and miners, was to leave on the 1 5th of 
February. After reaching Lake Tsad the expedition will go eastward in search 
of the sources of the Nile, and direct their steps thence to the south-east towards 
Zansibar and the Indian Ocean.— Zi*«rary Gazette^ Feb. 5th. 

In the Journal of Sacred Literature for July, 1852, we informed our readers of 
some discoveries made Nov. 1 2th, 1851, by M. Marietta, on the mte of the 
Secapeum near Memphis. At the Royal Society of Literature, Feb. 23rd, the 
President read a paper, drawn up by Colodel Hamilton, on these discoveries. 

M. Mariette had the kindness to light up these sepulchral vaults, by which the 
English traveller had an admirable view of these remarkable discoveries. The 
entrance is cut out of the solid rock, as are also the galleries and the lateral 
chambers, the principal one being about 16 feet broad and 14 feet high. The 
whole number of sarcophagi are 31, the greater part of which are of dark green 
granite. Hieroriyphics have been met with on two only. They are all of 
gigantic proportions, 12 feet 6| inches to 12 feet 10 inches long, 7 feet 7 inches 
broad, and 7 feet 7 inches hi^h, exclusive of their cover, which is in one solid 
block, not less than 3 f^t 3 mohes thick. They are all in a pure state of pre- 
servation, and the surfaces retain their original polish. The covers have all beea 
removed two or three feet from their original position, bein^ pushed forward so 
as to leave room for any one to descend into them from the hinder side. 
. M. Mariette conjectures that this must have been done by CSambyses. No 
vestiges have been found in them of the embalmed sacred bulls. 

At the Syro-Egyptian Society, Feb. 8th, a paper was read on the Zend-Avesta 
by Dr. W. Cam{>s. The conclusion at which the writer arrived was, that the 
^nd was the ancient language of Media, and that the books preserved in it were 
the genuine works of Zerduscht or Zoroaster, who app^red as a religious reformer 
in the reign of Gushtap, who is by most historians identified with Darius Hys- 
taspes. 

Mr. Ainsworth read a communication on the discoveries in ancient art recorded 
in Mr. W. B. Barker's work, the ' Lares and Penates of Cilida.' 

Dr. Lee communicated a paper ' on some Assyrian and Babylonian cylinders,*^ 
by Professor Grotefend of Hanover, translated by Mr. T. L. Wraxall. Thi 
cylinders bear symbols of beast-tamers, which Dr. Grotefend thinks have a re- 
ligious siRuification, representing a battle of good spirits or beings against sin. — 
JUterary Gazette, Feb. 26th. 

At the Syro-Egyptian Society, March 8, extracts fh)m a letter by Mr. H. Ras- 
sam, dated Nimnfd, Nov. 20, 1852, were read. The excavations at Nimrrfd had 
been re-opened, and a fine bas-relief, with Assyrian warriors hunting a lion, had 
been found. It is so well preserved as to look like the work of yesterday. Frag- 
ments of other bas-relieft of superior workmanship had also been found. Also 
several ivory beads most beautifully cut, one of them gilt over with thin gold. 
Excavations were also being carried on at Koynnjik (Nineveh), but the excavators 
were only rewarded by tablets of clay covered with small cuneiform characters. 
The French are very zealous in their researches. They believe that they have 
found at Khorsabad the very chariot of Asshur ! They are excavating in four or 
five different mounds. The Turkish Government has also, strange to say, turned 

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1^53,] livteUigenoe. 

archtfolOffioal, and commenced excavating tbe moands called Nebbi Ynnn«, or (vf 
the propbet Jonah, to tbe great annoyance of tbe more devout Mosselmans.-*- 
Alhenmum^ March 9. 

Remarkable success has attended the introduction of a syllabic system of writine 
amongst the Cree Indians of the shores of St James's Bay, Canada. One such 
syllabarium had arisen among the Cherokees in 1824, and remains a striking phe- 
nomenon in the history of American philology. Mr. Horden arrived at Moose 
Factory in An^st, 1851, and has already been successfbl in teaching to read and 
write in the syUabic system. The next ship will convey to Mr. Horden a printing- 
press, with a fount of syllabic types. The svstem appears to be equally adapted to 
the widely-spread tribes of the Eskimos, wno frinse the whole circumpolar sea, 
from Behring's Straits to Labrador. — Church Missionary Intelligence^ March. 

Among the subjects of research and investigation proposed to members of the 
French School at Athens^ was the following for 1852 : — To visit the Ule of Patmo«, 
principally for the purpose of instituting researches in the library of the mona»- 
tery, and completing a Catalogue, with an exact and complete description of the 
MSS. contained in the library, accompanied with extracts. 



ANNOUNCEMENTS AND MISCELLANEOUS 

At the Royal Geographical Society, Feb. 14th, a paper was read by Dr. 
Thompson, Remarks on the country between Seleucia, the Valley of the Orontes, 
Antioch, and Apimea, to Belis on the Euphrates. This paper created considerable 
interest. The importance of affording facilities of intercourse between the coast 
of Syria and the Persian Gulf^ and of thus developing the resources of thesa 
countries, is becoming of dail^ interest, not only to Turkey itself, but to Europe 
in general. Dr. Thompson thinks that these objects are at no very remote period 
likely to be put in operation. ' ' 

The opening of the old caravan route of the ISth and 14th centuries, by the 
Euphrates valley, must in itself be considered one of the greatest blessings that 
could be conferred, not only upon the Ottoman empire at large, but upon the 
whole of the eastern world. 

The many associations of the country through which it is proposed to establish 
this interesting route, are too fhmiliar to the public in general, to rei|uire feurther 
allusion. Suffice it to say, that the garden of Eden and cradle of Christianity are 
sites which it is enough to name, as in themselves incentives to the promotion and 
fulfilment of this apparently feasible and important route to the East. 

A member of the civil service of the Hon. East India Companjr on the Ben^fal 
establishment has offered the sum of 300/. for the best essay in the English 
language in refutation of the errors of Hindu philosophy, according to tbe Ve- 
danta, Nyaya, and Sankhya systems. The competition is open to all nations. The 
adjudicators of the prize are to be the Rev. W. H. Mill, D.D., of Cambridge, the 
Rev. Professor Whewell, and Professor H. H. Wilson, of Oxford. The Archbishop 
of Canterbury, the Bishops of London and Oxford, are trustees for the donor of 
the prise, the essays in competition for which are to be lodged, before the close of 
1854, at the office of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
Parts.— ZiVerary Gazette^ Mar. .'Sth. 

The Independent (American) says, that amone the papers and unpublished 
writings left by President Jonathan Edwards at his deatn, there are — A series of 
sermons on the Beatitudes ; a work on the Apocalypse ; a large commentary on the 
Bible, containing 904 pages, a leaf of the printed Englbh Bible being interposed 
between every two sheets. There is also an imperfect Harmony of the Genius, 
Spirit, Doctrines, and Rules of the Old Testament and the New. 

A gentleman, J. Muir, Eso., of the Bengal Civil Service, by his generous offer of 
a prize to tbe University of Cambridge for the best refutation of Hinduism and 
Statement of the Evidences of Christianity, in a form suited to the Hindus, ha* 



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gle 



230 IfUeUtgence. [AprU, 

been the occasion of caUing forth from the Rev. Bowland WUlUms, Vioe-Priii^i|nl 
ef St David's, Lampeter, a preliminary dissertation on the principles of historical 
evidences, as applied to discriminate between the authority of the Christian Scrip- 
tures, and of the religious books of the Hindus, which, from its forcibleness of 
argument and attractiveness of s^le, is likely to prove of great service. Within 
the last few weeks Mr. Muir has offered another prize of 300/. for the best Essay 
in refutation of the Hindu System of Philosophy. Mr. Muir has himself contri- 
buted to the repertory of Christian ar^ment, the * Examination of Keligions in 
Sanskrit,' together with valuable remarks on the training of Missionary Agents for 
India. The work is printed at Cape Town. At present we have but the first 
part of the work which Mr. Muir projects. His line of argument in refuting 
Hinduism is to take certain criteria of divine inspiration as the basbof his position; 
and these are shewn to be wanting in the Vedas, and fulfilled only by the Chris- 
tian Scriptures. Mr. Muir has added to the-usefnlness of his remaries by appending 
a list of books on Hinduism and Mohammedanism for Missionai^ study, and for 
the library of the Mission station. One hindrance, probably, to Onental studies has 
t>een ignorance of the sources of information. — Colonial Church Chron%cl«^ Maroh. 

The third volume of Dr. Beecher's works is occupied with his Views of Theo- 
logy, as developed in three sermons, on Dependence, Free Agency, and on the 
Native Character of Man, together with the author's trial for heresy before the 
Presbytery of Cincinnati in 18o.5. By the side of this volume, which supplies 
a curious historic chapter of the theological controversies of New England, we 
have a new edition of * A Presbyterian Clergyman looking for the Church,* the 
production of the Rev. F. S. Mines, Hector of a church in San Francisco, and a 
couple of small volumes. Charity cmd the Clergy , and Hint§ to a Laifman, volumes 
relative to a certain * New Themes ' controversy, apparently growing out of the 
publication in Philadelphia of a book entitled, * New Themes for the Protestant 
Clergy.* By Stephen ColwelL—A>«> York Lit. World, March 5. 

The Rev. Dr. Angus, of Stepney College, has in the press for the ' Educational 
Series* of the Religious Tract Society, a work called *The Bible Hand-Book,' of 
about 800 pages, designed to give a somewhat popular view of Biblical Critidsm, 
Interpretations, Antiquities, &c., with Introductions to each book of Scripture. 
From a specimen we have seen this seems to be a well arranged and carefully 
prepared work, likely to be of much service to those for whose use it is designed. 

Dr. Cox, of New York, has a new work nearly ready, beinf^ his personal literary 
reminiscences of distinguished men. It will contain several interesting anecdotes, 
with fragmentary remains, of the late Dr. Chalmers, with whom the author was 
intimate. 

A bookseller at Athens, for some time past, has been publishing translations of 
Sanscrit works into modem Greek. 

A new weekly periodical has appeared, entitled Sunday Reading for Christian 
Families ; conducted by Dr. Kitto. Each number contains twenty-four pages of 
closely arrangred matter, chiefly original aiticles furnished by the Editor, and 
by various writers of ability and experience, and expressly aoapted for Sunday 
reading. 

Sir Gardner Wilkinson is preparing a new and abridged edition for popular cir- 
culation, with illustrations, in 2 volumes, post £vo., of the Private Lifc« MannerSt 
and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. 

Mr. Birch, F.S.A., has in the press A History of Ancient Pottery; Egyptian, 
Asiatic, Greek, Roman, Etruscan, and Celtic, in 8vo., with illustrations. 

A Supplement to the Authorised English Version of the New Testament ^ being 
a Critical lUustration of its more difllcult Passages, from the Syriac, Latin, and 
earlier English Versions, with an Introduction ^ the Rev. F. H. Scrivener, M.A. 
Volume Ist, in 8vo. 

Notes on the Four Gospels and Acts of the Apostles. With Illustrations of the 
Doctrines, Principles, and Practice of the Church of England. By a Bishop's 
Chaplain. In 2 vols. 8yo. 



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1853.] ItUeUiffence. 231, 

Sbbbath Scripture Readincs, hy Thomas Chalmers, D.D., LL.D., in 2 toIs. 
They begin with Genesis, and are coutmued down to the second book of Kings, 
and embrace the whole of the New Testament. The Daily Scripture Readings are 
also in 2 vols. They begin with Genesis* and are carried down to the end of 
Jeremiah. 

Nearly ready, — Pablic Education, as afiected by the Minutes of the Committee 
of the Privy Council ft'om 1S46 to 1852; with suggestions as to future policy. 
By Sir J. K. Shuttleworth. 

Church History of England from the earliest time to the period of the Re- 
formation. By the Rev. Arthur Martineau, M.A., late Fellow of Trini^ College, 
C^ambridge, 12ma 

Hebrew Politics in the Times of Sarson and Sennacherib : an inquiry into the 
Historical Meaning and Purpose of the Prophecies of Isaiah ; with some notice of 
their bearings on the social and political life of England. By K. Stracbey, Esq. 

The Fall of the Roman Republic : a short history of the last century of the 
Commonwealth. By Charles Merivale, B.D. 

In the press, with map and plates, post 8vo., A Narrative of an Explorer in 
South Africa. !3y Francis Galton, Esq. 

Narrative of the lamented Traveller, James Richardson, Esq., conxprising the 
details of his Mission into Central Africa performed in 1851-2. 

Shortly,— a New Latin-English Dictionary. By Dr. William "Smith. One 
large volume, 8vo. 

In the press, — Tlie Messianic Prophecies of the Old Testament : being the 
Hebrew text, with a literal translation and critical exposition. By J. Robert Wolf. 

Shortly, — An Onomasticon Pentateuch!; oc, an Etymological and Historical 
Dictionary of Hebrew Proper Names, as they occur in the rentotcuch. ^ the 
Bev. Alfred Jones, Theologic^d Associate of King's College, Loudon. 

In the press, — Discourses bearing upon some of the Controversies of the Day. 
By the Rev. W. F. Hook, Vicar of Leeds. 8vo. 

Silnria; or. Primeval Life. A popular View of the Older Sedimentary Rocks, 
and their imbedded Organic Remains. By Sir R. L Murchison, F.G.S. With 
plates and woodcuts, 8vo. 

The Personal Narrative oi an Englishman in Abyssinia. By Mansfield Pai'Kyns. 
With map and illustrations, 2 vols. 8vo. 



FOREIGN lOT'ELLIGENCE. 

( To iJiB Editor of the Journal <f Sacred Literature.) 

Sir, — The theological world of Germany has by no means as yet recovered ?ts tone. 
It still staggers under the blow it received in the year 1848. The pornici;l outbreaks 
and convulsions of that period were the culminating point and the inevitable result 
of a mystic rationalism, which had its root in a pantheistic theology, and its 
branches and fruit in a communistic theoi^' of political life. The old forms of re- 
publicanism no longer satisfied the demands of speculation ; republicanism was 
indeed sought after, but merely as a sttpping-stone to Communism. The founda- 
tion of the whole was an antipathy to any form of positive religion. Misbelief had 
ended in the grossest uubeliet IIow can theology flourish in such a soil ? So long 
as religion retained any hold on men's minds, theology did not die out ; nay, con- 
nected with it were great theological names ; not soon, so fer as industry and 
learning are concerned, will Paulus, Bretschneider, and De Wette be surpassed. 
But these giants have left no successors. A religion of the head has no offspring. 
A theology of words perishes of its own aridity. The result was the surer, because 
the antagonist of these rationalist theologians dealt in words too, rather than in 
ideas, putting on the dress of positive principles, because some sort of orthodoxy 



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232 IrUelUgenee. [April, 

foand faToor at the Prussian court, and because fashionable in good society. If 
Sohleierroaoher may be charged with setting an example to the PuitheistSY Ne- 
ander cannot be held wholly guiltless of encouraging the hypocrites. The former 
went some way to destroy religion by excessive rennements, and the latter threw 
around the truth such mists as could not fail to be perilous to ordinary wayfarers. 
The influence of the latter still operates in the affectations of the Berlin school, 
who look one way and go another. The influence of the former has issued in the 
ne^tions of Tubingen, where religion is resolved into mere naturalism. Hie only 
beheving element (on a large scale) in Germany is Romanism ; alas ! that we must 
say 80. We do not affirm that the belief of the Romanists is well grounded. We 
deny that it is healthy ; but at least it is active ; it is even nervously active. Re- 
ceiving impulse and direction from the Jesuit College in Rome, Romanist belief in 
Germany puts forth all its efforts, strains every nerve, and has wrought itself into 
the fancy that it is on the eve of a fresh, if not a universal triumph. Hence the 
number of Romanist publications. Before the year 1848 Romanist publications 
were comparatively few. Now they far outnumber those of the Protestant Com- 
munions : they have outnumbered those of the Protestant communions for several 
years. Nevertheless, they give no signs of the revival of theology in Germany. 
Romanism is professedly unsusceptible of improvement, for that wmch is ' perfect, 
entire, lacking nothing,' cannot be made better. Accordingly theology was cul- 
tivated by Romanism only as a necessary antagonist to Protestant theology. Tlxat 
theology has now sunk into quietude, and so Romanism does little else thmn put 
forth books of devotion, asceticism and propagandism. Altogether the state of 
theology in Germany is as painful as it is unpromising. One Protestant professor, 
Ewald, continues the sacred war, but is too remote from the extremes of the domi- 
nant parties, to enjoy the populari^ to which, on various grounds, he is entitled. 

Ewald is the President of the Deutsche Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft {Ger- 
man Oriental Society), which has rendered great services to Oriental literatnre, 
both ancient and modem. In an excellent address read at the opening of the last 
session of the Society, held at Gottingen in September, 1852, the President reviewed 
the actual state of Oriental studies in an instructive, as well as interesting manner. 
Among the papers read on the occasion was one which gave an outline of the 
travels in Palestine of Dr. Robinson, to whose * Biblical Researches ' ' Uie religions 
and the learned world are so deeply indebted. This, his second journey, has been 
very productive of fruit ; and we look with earnest anticipation to the appearance 
of the narrative in which Dr. Robinson will lay the results before the world. 

It happened that in the month of September, 1802, the learned Grotefend laid 
before Uie German Oriental Society his first specimen of the decyphering of the 
arrow-headed characters. The year 1852 was therefore the fiftieth anniversary of 
that event Rightly did the members of the Society judge that such an anniversary 
was not to be allowed to pass as an ordinary occasion. Grotefend had led the way 
into what, fifty years ago, was a tangled labyrinth, or rather a dark mystic vault. 
Through his efl'orts, and encouraged by his success, learned men of his own 
country, as well as of France and England, applied their powers to the task. The 
consequence has been a degree of success, which promises shortly to lay open a new 
language, and a new source of historical, ethnological, and antiquarian information. 
In acknowledgment of his great deserts, the Society presented a simple, but 
unavoidably a most flattering address to Grotefend, in commemoration of the 
jubilee. Had we space to sketch the road over which that learned man and bis 
coadjutors have been led, we should add another striking instance to the many 
that already exist, of the value of steady and persevering eflbrt, and the merit of 
deriving encouragement from very small successes. Without fkith and hope no 
man ever achieved any thing ereat in letters or science, any more than in morals. 

The decline of theology and religion in Germany, to which we ha^e alluded, is 
illustrated in tables which we transcribe. The ensuing table gives what may be 
called the theological statistics of the Prussian Church in the several years here 
stated ; the first number denotes the divinity students who completed their studies ; 
the second, the divinity students who actually entered the ministry : — 

* This is the paper which, in an English dress, appears in the present Number 
of the Journal. 



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1853.] 



Intetti^fmee. 



23$ 



1840 • 


• 283 




202 


1846 




160 




199 


1841 • 


• 938 




192 


1847 




192 




198 


1848 • 


• 261 




169 


1848 




138 




179 


1848 • 


• 228 




158 


1849 




153 




174 


1844 . 


• 221 




178 


1850 




154 




185 


1845 . 


• 219 




198 













The sum total of the finished students for the triennium 1840-3, is 781 ; whereas 
the sum total for that ending 1850, is onl^ 445. Yet were there, on the 1st of 
January, 1851, in the Prussian States not fewer ^n 946 unplaced ministers. 

Of a similar tendency is the following table, showine the students in the facul- 
ties of Protestant Theology in the undermentioned German universities in the 
given years: — 

1839 1846 1849 1850 



Berlin • • 


. 333 


169 




142 




140 


Bonn . , 


. 41 


24 




29 




37 


Breslau . 


• 124 


72 




60 




55 


Greiftwald 


. 24 


23 




30 




22 


HaUe . . 


. 324 


315 




348 




277 


Konigfberg 


, 116 


55 




45 




45 



962 



658 



654 



576 



The oonditioii of German theoloflksal literature is spoken of fidthfuUy by Ewald, 
in his Jahrbflcher der Biblisehen Wissenschaften (^imiMii of Biblical Seienee), of' 
whioh the fourth part (1851-2) recently appeared, and in which the indefati^iahle 
writer has passed in review all works of any mark whieh have bcra published 
tinea his third part made its appearance. To the student of theology there is a 
very great advantage in thus having under his eves the deliberate judgment of so 
oompetent a critic on all the productions of theology during the year immediatdy 
passed. The writings actually reviewed by Proressor Ewald are, for the most 
part, by German authors. England would be passed almost in silence, but for a 
Dotlee of three essays that appeared in the pages of this Journal, namely, — ' The . 
Rephaim, and their Connexion with Egyptian History' (New Series, 1851, p. 
151-72, &C.), 'The Septenary Arra^ement of Scripture' (New Series, p. 134-150), 
and * A New Explanation of the Taxing in Luke ii. 1-5' (New Series, 1851, p. 
1-39). 

In France the Protestant Church is by no means at its ease regarding its social 
eondition. The Emperor has contrived to get the whole administratioii into his 
own hands ; and evee. and anon signs appear which excite foars of approaching 
persectition. Meanwhile Romanism is very active, veiy soonifhl, and very en- 
oroaehing. No longer content to act on the defenrive, it has boldly advanced 
into the arena, and thrown down the gauntlet This Is unwise, as conflict must 
briD^ its weakness to light. A notable instance hsts josi been given. A retired 
hamster, Augusts Nicolas, last year published a second edition of his Etudes Phi- 
kMophiques sur le ChristiaBisme ( PhUos9pkicol Stndin om Chri§titmiiy\ in which 
be paints Protestantism in the most deceptive colours. Encouraffed by the fiivour 
with which this work was received by the priests^ the author has just put forth 
a liitter attack on Protestantism, under the coaiprebensive title of, *Du Pro- 
tcstantisme et de toutes les h^r^es dans leur rapport avec le Sodalisme, precede 
de I'examen d'un ^rit de M. Guizot' (Or Proteitantism^ and of all hermnes in 
their reltUiona with Socialism, procetUd hjf «m Eramnation f^ an Enay bg M, 
Gwizot). The ocearion of this violent accusation is an offer in a speech by M. 
Gniaot of a union of all Protestant charges against Socialism. Mr. Nicolas 
replies, * Physician, heal thyself. In its very essence, and in its necessary tenden- 
cies, and in its inevitable fruits, Protestantism is Socialism.' The attack shows the 
will rajther than the power to ii^ict a blow. Not that Augusts Nicolas is without 
etther talent or learmnff, but his talent is not equal to his task; and his learning is • 
that of the general scholar, ftur mors than that of the theologian. An amusing 
proof of the last remark is found in the numerous errors of foct that the assailant 
commits. Ttke as an instance the following statement ' As early as 1 735 Ger- 



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gle 



234 Intelligence^ [Aprils 

many was rayagcd ^y the fright&il impiety of the school, the principal chiefs of 
-which were Kimtzea, Edelmann, Nicolai, Wolfenbiittel, Reimanis, LessiDg, and 
other Protestant theologians, professors, and doctors/ Here almost every im- 
portant word is an error. Kuntsen was not Kunteen, but Knutzen. Nicolii was 
not bom until the year 1 733 ; and Nicolai was simply a deist. Wolfenbiittel is 
the name not of a * Protestant theologian, professor, or doctor^* but of a small town 
in Brunswick, celebrated for its library. Of that establishment Lessing (who was 
not a "* Protestant theolo^an, professor, or doctor,' but a deistical man of letters), 
being at the end of his life the superintendent, found there an anonymous manu- 
script, several chapters of which he published under the title of * Wolfenbiittel 
Fragments.' Reimarus, a physician of Hamburgh, is now known to have been the 
author of that attack on Christianity. A greater number of patent errors was 
never put into the same number of words. The len^ to which the writer goes in 
his imputations against Protestants and their religion, may be inferred from 
these his words: 'He who does not regard Mair as the mother of God, does not 
believe in God — he is an Atheist.* Most painful and revolting, too, are the doc- 
trines which, in this volume, as well as in his * Philosophical Studies,' Mr. Nicolas 
advances touching tolerance and persecution. According to his open and express 
avowal, the GathoFic Church, and the Catholic Church only, has me right to per- 
secute, is under a solemn obligation to persecute, and w^ould neglect a most sacred 
duty if it did not persecute. Those who wish to see the true spirit of Komanism, 
as it shows its fiice in a Romanist country, should read the two publications of 
which we have now spoken. 

The activity of Romanism in France has called forth a counter activity on the 
part of Protestants. A sodety (^SocMte de THistoire du Protestantisme) has been 
founded for the purpose of bringing to light and publishing valuable documents 
connected with the noble martyr history of French Protestants. Connected with 
the Society is a periodical (Bulletin), of which the seventh number has appeared. 
The whole effort is of the -most promising kind. 

In Greneva, too, the attacks of Komanism have combined Protestants into a 
defensive phsilanx. Attacked in the most violent manner by the Catholic Abbe 
Combalot, the national Church of Geneva has, with the -assistance of the municipal 
authorities, commenced a series of lectures in defence of the religious opinions 
which it represents. 

The fifth anniversary of the emancipation of the Vaudois, or Protestants of 
Btedmont, was lately celebrated in the Valleys and at Turin. The occasion called 
forth a lively enthusiasm toward the present monarch and his fiither, Charles 
Albert, who, on the l7Ui of February, 1848, restored to his Vaudois subjects all 
their religious and civil rights. 

Of other foreign works recently published, of which we have personal know- 
ledge, we may report as foUows. Reuss, Professor of Theology in the Protestant 
Seminary at Strasburg, well known in the learned world on the continent as a 
sound scholar, has published in two volumes, octavo, a * Uistoire de la. Theologie 
Chr^tienne au Steele Apostolique ' {Uutcry of Christian Theology in the Apottoiie 
Age). Drawing his materials exclusive^ from the New Testament, and viewii^ 
those materials m the light thrown on them by an exact and profound acquaintance 
with the older dispensation. Professor Reuss makes it the principle of his work to 
exhibit, severally and s^>aFately, the theological views entertained by the wrriters 
of 4he New Testament documents, in order that in what the^ have in common he 
may be led to see, recognise, and set f<uth * the mind of Chnst,' which he regards 
80 the truth of Gk>d. 

The same author Jias also published the first volume of a second edition of * Die 
Geschichte der Heiligen Schriften Neuen Testaments* {History of the HUjf 
Seriptitres ^of the New Testament), This edition is in German ^ the first edition 
a{q>^u^ in French. By patting forth his work in German, Professor Reuss 
claims as his readers the learned world of Germany, and tacitly intimates that he 
fears not the criticism of so severe a tribunal. Nor has he occasion to fear that 
criticism. Though the writer avails himself of the numerous and fruitful labours 
of his predecessors, he brings to his task an independent, powerful, and well 
furnished mind; and so treating bis subject from his own point of view, and in his 
own manner, has the merit of lading on the altar a contribution of his own, by no 



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1853.] IrUeUigenee. 235 

means small in yalue. The work may be adi^antageoa^y studied, at least as a sjs- 
tematie and clear exhibition of the results of theological study in Grermany on the 
subject of the New Testament writing 

Professor Rnobel, of the University of Giessen, continues the * Korzgefasstes 
exegetisches Handbuch zum Alten Testament' {Oompendious Exegetical Manual 
oftiu Old Teatameni), a work of great value to those who can separate the tares 
£rom the wheat, and which no teacher of theology can safely do without. By 
publishing his *Die Genesis Ek'klart' {Genesis hrplained), iu which, in a very 
clear manner, and with a de^p:«e of compression of which English writers have no 
idea, he expounds his own views of the book of Genesis as a whole, and of each 
particular verse and word, as formed uxkler the accumiUated lights of German 
scholarship, and under the direction of a point of view more -conservative and 
religions than was customary among men of his class. As affording materials for 
reflection, this volume and the rest of the series possess a high value. 

Aliaost of equal worth as a repository of theological facts and condunons, and 
of greater worth as a guide of opinion, is * Christus, oder die Lehre des Alten und 
Neuen Testaments von der Person des Erlosers* biblisch-dogmatiseh entwickelt 
-von Ad. Schumann ' ( Christ, on the Doctrine of the Old and New Testament 
respecting the Person of the Redeemer, set forth in a Biblical and DognuUical point 
of view, by Ad. Schmnann), The author, who is already known to ihe English 
public by an admirable summary of the origin, contents, aim, and authenticity of 
the Bible, translated by Dr. Beard, of Manchester^ under the title of * Introduction 
to the Books of the Old and New Testament' (1 vol. 8vo., 1849), has, in this new 
w<M*k (2 vols. 8vo.), gathered together the scattered lights of the Scripture, as re- 
cognised by sound scholarship, which lespect the great theme of which he treats. 
Bqually remote from the ?anishing views of the Hegelian philosophy, and the 
dead forms of tradition, llerr Schumann expounds the testimony borne by pro- 
phets and apostles to the person of the Redeemer, from a .truly religions point of 
view, and in a believing and reverend spiriL 



To the Editor of the Journal of Sacred 'Literature, 

Paris^ March, 1853. 
Sui, — You idesire a quarterly letter, from this great centre of all inquiry, to keep 
your readers duly up to the active progress of archaeology, and more especially in 
sach discoveries or curious fiicts as are illustrative of Biblical and religious history. 

I comply cheerfullv with your request, and merely premise that the present 
letter need not be taken as a fair specimen of the future. When all the sources 
of information, so various here, are ascertained, and my acquaintance with the 
wishes of your public is more precise, they and you may look for something more 
extended and elaborate. It is, besides, you know, a precept of the critical Horace 
to commence nimbly — to emerge from smoke to flame, not to relapse from flame 
to smoke. 

The Union, a religious journal, reports the following pious purpose. It is known 
that the foundation and the erection of the buildings of the &mous convent of 
Mount St. Bernard are attributed to St. Bernard of Menton, an ancient canon of 
Aosta, who died abbot of the convent in the year 1008. Everybody is acquainted 
with the service so often rendered at this retreat by the resident monks for a suc- 
cession of ages back ; jnany thousand bewildered travellers have been indebted to 
tJiem for their life. Well, in just commemoration of these truly Christian ser- 
-vioes, the Strasburg statua^, Friederich, has just conceived the happy idea of 
erecting, at his own expense, and quite adjacent to the convent, a statue to the 
supposed founder of this beneficent establislunent. The figure is to be of the Fare 
stone of the mountain. This Alpine monument of St. Bernard of Menton will be 
perhaps the loftiest in the world ; for the convent, which it is to adjoin, is itself 
situated at the height of 7500 feet above the surface of the sea. 

From the French archaeological explorations iu the East there have Decent ly 



Digitized by V3V/VJ' 



gle 



236 InteUiffence. [April, 

arrived dispatches of the first importance. The ditcoTerer is M. Place, and th« 
site is BtiU at Mosul, in the ancient Assyrian palace of Khorsahad. The MomiUmr, 
the official organ, gives the following intimations in advance of a fall disclosure by 
the goremment. 

It will be remembered that in the first Report upon the aggregate of his laboars, 
to which the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres gave a high reception, 
M. Place announced the discovery of a double colonnade and spacious terraces 
paved all over with immense flags. As soon as he was able to resume his explo- 
rations, he opened a long trench to the rear of the columns, which brought him 
presentlv to a most curious and singular discovery. M. Place came upon a wall 
of five feet high bv twenty-one long, completely fkced with burnt and painted 
bricks, still remaimng in the finest preservation, and representiug men, animals^ 
vegetables, &o. It u the first specimen etUirf amd rmtaiumff in its place (m WN) 
which is known to the present day of Assyrian pamtmg. It shows the use of those 
enamelled bricks encountered in such great numbers in the ruins of Nineveh, but 
especially those of Babylon. It verifies the description given by Ctesias and 
Diodoms of the residences of the monarchs of Assyria, and of those palaces whose 
walls were covered with paintings in enamel, representative of subjects of the chase. 

To tills first discovery M. Place has added another perhaps still more interesting^^ 
and which must reflect a new light upon Assyrian art. At one of the extremities 
of the wall, described as Hned with enamelled bricks, he discovered a statue, a 
verUtMe statue^ as he says nalfvely : we hasten to add, the first Assyrian statue 
known to this day. 

The figure, admirably preserved, and representing a personage holding a bottle 
between both hands, is four fiiet and a half high. It is of the same gypseous 
marUe with the bas-relieft already found. As the wall of enamelled bricks forms a 
portion of a passage which seems to lead into a vast apartment or hall, M. Place 
is in hopes of finding the companion of the statue at the opposite extremity of th« 
passage. 

M. Place announces several other and scarce less interesting discoveries, which 
will soon be made known to us in full by the Reports, accompanied with numerous 
photographic drawings that have just been received by the government. He be- 
lieves himself at present in a condition to restore ideally, both in its whole and in 
its details, the Assyrian palace of Rhorsabad. 

Thas fiir for the government sketch, and it makes us long to see the promised 
sequel. Meanwhile a word of comment on the principal novelties indicated. Re- 
specting the enamelled bricks, which are said to verify the account of Diodoms, 
it may not be amiss to cite the words of the historian. Speaking of the building 
of Babylon by Semiramis, and especially the palace on the west bank of the 
Euphrates, he describes it as enclosed by ' walls which were built of burnt bricks, 
and on which bricks, before beinff put in the fire, were stamped the figures of 
various animals, represented to the life by colours laid on with exquisite fidelity.' 
Upon the tower which surmounted the palace were also multitudes of wild ani- 
mals depicted perfectly both b^ colour and relief, and some of which were over 
four cubits in height. (Diod. Sic. lib. ii. 8.) 

This description has the usual defects of narrative at second hand ; it lacks 
fulness, distinctness, and precision : for it was borrowed, the reader knows, indeed 
avowedly ftrom Ctesias, Diodoms having never seen Babylon, which was a pasture 
field even at his day. He leaves us to infer, for instance, that the colouring and 
bas-relief were two distinct, instead of being complementary, operations : for 
curving was then the hosts of painting. It may be dubious, then, how this de- 
scription could be verified strictly bv the late discoveries, and more especially the 
part referring to the great magmtude of some of the figures ; for this implies, of 
course, the combination of a certain number of individual bricks, of which each 
was stamped with a diflerent portion of the object, the animal, to be produced. 
Now of this Diodoms says nothing, and M. Place, thus far, as little. But the 
latter should be done the justice of waiting to hear his own report. 

The same condition is not indispensable to some remarks upon the statue. This 
statue is a foot of great importance in testhetical history, if only tnte. Not, of 
course, that M. Place has not discovered a human figure, carved more shapely than 
the rade idols found in even savage countries. The question is, has he discovered 

Digitized by VJIV/V./V IV. 



1853.] Intelligence, 237 

in the buried rains of Khorsabad a marble statue approaehinff the classical or 
modem meaning of the term ? For mv part I dare to doubt it, in the fiice of 
proximate confrontation. And this doubt would be confinned bj the very lan- 
guage of the discoverer, irhich the Moniteur considers as ' naire/ but which I 
regurd as quite significant. For the very emphasis with which he aesignates it as 
ft ^^eritabk statue/ confesses tacitlj that such a judgment is to be taken with large 
allowance, and that it only is intended relatively to the known condition of Assy* 
rian art 

But why, it may be asked, should not this art contain a model statue, and why 
had none at all been before discovered in the ruins in question, although f\jX\ of 
other flffures, as well animal as vegetable^ and often executed with the utmost per* 
fection? 

Here was an anomaly which our Assyrian archseologists must have all encoun* 
tared obviously, and should have tried, one would think, to solve. Yet I do not 
remember one who has made a systematic effort Prom mere amateur explorers, 
like Mr. lAyard and other Englishmen, of course no general examination was to 
be looked fbr. But not even the profound (Germans, who carry philosophy into 
sesthetics, have supplied, as for as I know, an explanation. This, in brief, is to 
be found, then, in the high complexity of the human figure. In the physical as in 
the moral, man is now recognised by science, as he was anciently by instinct, to be 
the microcosm of the great world. He is therefore the latest object to be con- 
ceived and to be configured ; for the progpness in both Art and Science is from the 
trmple to the complex. Hence the prevalence of mere animal and vegetable 
statuary, or its perfection, would not by any means imply the human. They 
would rather, on the contrary, evince its non-existence ; ibr when this stage at- 
tains a fair development, the simpler efibrts of the art decline. Quite accordingly 
hi Greece, where numan statuary attoined this position, we find the animal and 
plant degrees sink into accessories of architecture ; while, on the other hand, 
these lower stages hold all the prominence of highest vogue in the infent sculp- 
ture both of Egypt and Assyria. So well does history attest this theory : so well 
the theory interprets history. 

However, let us wait attentively to hear what the connoisseurs say of the * veri- 
table sutue* of M. Place. 

Nearer home a Toulouse journal reports an interesting exploration. In a small 
Tillage in the environs of the Pyrenees lay the mouldering ruins of a mediaival 
eonvcnt long abandoned to decay. For ages back these pious rains had remained 
oitirely uninhabited, when some day^ ago the proprietor, to kill the tedium of an 
hour of leisure, gave directions to have the rabbish cleared away. In piercing a 
ceiling which was feund surmounting an immense subterranean cavern, an issue 
was soon discovered which had been hitherto unknown, and which conducted to 
ft further cellar that emitted a fetid odour. Some of the workmen, whom the ex* 
halation had taken by surprise, fell down instantly in convulsions and apoplexy. 
The requisite remedies were administered, and as soon as the labourers' were re- 
suscitated they advanced to the orifice of the cave, and after having buraed several 
bundles of straw to purify the pent-up air, a few of them penetrated into its 
murky recesses. 

What was their surprise to see arise aloft befbre them a complete pyramid of 
fragmentary fish-bones. The hand of man, remarks the journal, no doubt amassed 
in Siis special coraer all the relics of the shells and fish-bones which the hand of 
time had turned to stone. But the ' hand of man' did not do it desiffnedly ; it was 
the result of a circumstance which has a serious significance in this connection. 
The osseous pyramid was much more, doubtlessly, toe mere mechanical effect of 
having dropped for ages these monkish relics of the table through a trap-hole. 
This vast cavera was evidently never to be entered. What other relics might 
these greedy fish-devourers (and therefore devotees of sea-bora Venus) have had 
occasion to conceal there is not very dubious. Why were not these fossil speci- 
mens examined with strict minuteness to see if, possibly, there were no bones to 
reveal a novel sort of fish ? Ought not these subterranean caves, which are a com- 
mon appendage, I think, to monasteries, be examined upon such occasions with a 
skilled attention ? Not, of course, for the petty purpose of sectarian recrimination, 
but as illustrative historically of ^e manners of the times. 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



238 Intelligence. [April, 

We are not^ however, done as vet with the present specimen. The propriet<v 
-went on to order this bony hillock to be removed, when to the rear of it gleamed 
out a mass of the most magnificent stalactites. One of the workmen, in detach- 
ing some of these stony concretions, broke open a little recess in the wall, in 
which again was found a quantity of pieces of ancient coin. This discovery is a 
confirmation, instead of the contrary, as it might ^pear, of the above interpret 
tation of the cavern. The money was pUoed were by the builders, as we do still 
in the base of a monument, where it is hoped to be inaccessible to molestation for 
an eternity. 

It is not this, however, which has thrown the French numismatists into extasy ; 
it is not the import of the cavemed coin, it is the legends and antiquity. Among 
the pieces are found several Pertinaxes, a few Trajans, and some of Severus, afi 
in excellent preservation and of rare beauty. But what a comment might not 
this series of accidental revelations afford, moreover, upon the general march of 
human knowledge I The ermui of the proprietor conducted to the cave, the cave 
to the odour, the odour to the fish-bones, these in turn to the stalactites, and the 
stalactites to the coins ; but the coins may serve to clear some dim perplexity of 
Roman history, which would of course react again upon the genend progress of 
social science ; so that these monks of the Pyrenees mav not have lived merely 
to eat fish, but may have casually been not useless to mankind I 

M. Woepcke (of the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres) has brought 
to light a Greek manuscript of which the existence was unknown to the leaned. 
The original is probably lost, but an Arabic translation, made by Abou Othmao, 
the Damascene^ has just turned up in an Arabic MS. in the Imperial Library. 
The work is a commentary on the ten books of the Elements of Eudid. The 
author, whose name is Valens, is posterior to Ptolemy, and is perhaps the same 
personage, somewhat famous as an astrologer, and known by the name of Vettiua 
Valens. The special value of the conunentarv consists in its copious references 
to the best works of the great geometer Apollonius. M. Woepcke has made an 
extract of all the passages of this description, and purposes a conjectural restitn- 
tion of the writings of this greatest, except Arclumedes, of the ancient mathe* 
maticians. Apollonius, it will be remembered, was a native of Pergamus in Pam- 
phylia, and flourished towards the year 244 before Christ. 

The following discoveries have also been just reported to the same Academy, I 
mean the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres. The conmiunication was 
made by M. Guigniaut in a letter from M. Leon Renier, who has been sent by the 
government on an archaeological mission to Algeria. 

This learned traveller writes from Th^bessa, the ancient Thevesta. This an- 
tique locality is certainly one of the most important which is offered to the explo- 
rations of archsBologists in French Africa. The Roman magnificence is there 
contrasted by its vestiges in all their ^p-andeur with the hideous misery of its 
present state. Frightful masses of rubbish cover over the antique monuments. 
The world is act^uainted with its temple of E^ulapius, of which some fragments of 
the walls stand still some thirteen metres high ; its triumphal arch, which M. Renier 
conceives to be in a condition of less perfect preservation than was reported ; its 
square house, which recalls the edifice of a simiLBir name at Nimes, and which was, 
like it, placed in the centre of a vast rectangular court, surrounded by a portico 
existing still in part. The French traveller has sent to Paris the most graphic 
views of these two last monuments. The buildings of the ancient Thevesta were 
of proportions so gigantic that the inscriptions of their dedication were formed of 
letters over a foot high. On all sides you meet immense blocks bearing four or 
five of these letters. The wall, constructed by Salomon, the successor of Beli- 
sarins, is in an admirable state of preservation ; and this is to be re^tted, for in 
this work of the barbarians are embedded certainly the greatest portion of the in- 
scriptions of ancient Thevesta. 

Previously, M. Renier had made an excursion into the mountains which extend 
between Th^bessa and Mdaourouch (the ancient MedaurusV This was not, how- 
ever, the beginning of the able epigraphist's tour : he had been for several weeks 
back already exploring Algeria. He went, immediately on landing, to a placQ 
some thirty leagues to the south of Algiers, about half way between M^6ah and 
Boghar, for the purpose of visiting the ruins of Bcrouaguia, which he recognised 

Digitized by K^KJKJW IK^ 



.1853.] Intelligence. 239 

to be the Tanaramusa of the itineraries. This locality vas one of the stations on 
the roate from Csesarea (Cherchel) to Busucumim (Dellis), and "which had been 
hitherto looked for in the M^dja. The inscriptions prove, moreover, that the 
inhabitants of Tanaramusa had not yet, in the reign of Goniian III., either the 
ri^ts or title of Roman citiaens. 

In another report which M. Renier has addressed subsequently to the Govern- 
ment, and vhich was also by the same gentleman communicated to the Academy 
in its sitting of the 28th of January, the learned traveller informs us that a cer- 
tain number of monuments recorded in those inscriptions have been raised by 
magistrates, who took the title of princeps. Whence this able epigraphist con- 
cludes, with probability, that this district, lying on the confines of the present 
Kabylia, was governed bj native chiefs who held under Roman authority, without 
bein^ on that account either citizens or magistrates of the empire. The Roman 
donunion was therefore then no better established in this division of Africa than is 
the French at the present day — a conchision corroborated by the extreme rarity of 
Roman mins in the Great Kabylia. 

M. Renier, in the next place, returned to Lambesc, whieh he had visited with 
sach happy scientific results on his first mission. He has discovered there a 
goodly number of new Latin inscriptions, which were turned up in laying the 
foundation of the Military Penitentiary, with other mouuments, of which one has 
been transmitted to Paris by way of specimen. It ia an inscription which appears 
to have reference to the worship of Esculapins, and which informs us that certain 
comictUarii (subaltern officers of the 3rd legion), and other inferior grades of the 
army (specuiatores beneficiarti, &c.), had consecrated these statues or statuettes of 
^\A {imagines aureas). This epigraphic monument has the important singularity ot 
•lumishing us several names of unknown military offices. The name of each 
legionary subaltern is followed by that of his place of birth ; and we see by this 
means that the drd legion was raised throughout all Roman Africa, at the same 
time that we learn also many names of places before unknown. A certain C. 
Memmius Victor was the erector of this ex voto. To this monument M. Renier 
has ioined another no less curiosity. It is an altar erected in honour of the &mily 
of the three Augustus, Severus, Caracalla, and Geta. The two personages who 
presiided over the work of erection are L. Caecilius Urbinus, who is titled optio 
vaUtudinarii, and an officer of armament {armorum custos). The title of optio vale- 
tvdinarii, that is to say, nurse-tender, is found mentioned in Vegetius, and perhaps 
in the Digest. 

The excavations made by the traveUer at Czentina el Kadima (the OM Con- 
stantia), situated four miles to the north-west of the new, has put us in possession of 
the ancient name of the locality,, which is Tiddis^ and also of several inscriptions of 
extreme interest. Two of them give the true orthography of the name Collo 
(Minervia chullu\ and that of Milan {Saru Miiev). Two others ftimish sufficient 
data to establish the biography of one of the most important personages of the reign 
of Antoninus Pius, namely, Q. LoHius^ sumsuned Urbicus. All we had hitherto known 
of him were these solitary facts, that he directed the construction ofa portion of 
the great wall which bounded to the north the Roman possessions in Great Britain, 
and that he had been Prefect of Rome at an epoch which Corsini was able to fix, 
but with a loose approximation. M. Renier proposes to publish a complete mono- 
graph of this personage. 



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840 List of PubUeatums. [AimiI, 



LIST OF PUBLICATIONS* 



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Alexander (J. W.)— Consolation. 8vo. pp. 448. (Princeton.) 

" (Archibald, D.D.)— Outlines of Moral Science. Post 8vo. pp. 272. 

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Bartlett— Pictures from Sicily. Royal 8vo. 

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Brown (Refr. John), D.D. — The Sufferings and Glories of the Messiah. Svo. 

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Burgess (Rev. H.), Ph. D. — Translations of Christian Syriac Hymns. With 
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CflBsar (Morgan)— On the Trinity of Plato and of Philo Jndaeus, and of the 
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H. A. Holden, Oambridce. Post Svo. 

Chandler (Dr.)— Critical History of the Life of David. New edition. Svo. 

Church History the Key to Prophecy : a Series of Lectures for Familics, School- 
room and General Use. 12mo. pp. 460. 

Clark (R. W.) — Heaven and its Scriptural Emhlems. Svo. pp. 270. 

(Boston, U. S.) 

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Currey (Rev. Geo.), B.D. — The Confirmation of Faith hy Reason and Autho- 
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Drake (Francis), Esq.— Memoir of a Metaphysician. Post Svo. 

Drake (Rev. W.) — Notes, Critical and Explanatory, on the Prophecies of 

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Drummond (Rev. D. F. K.)~ Scenes and Impressions in Switzerland and the 
North of ItsJy. Post Svo. pp. 213. • 



Encyclopapdia Britannica. The Eighth Edition. Edited hy Thomas S. Traill, 
MJ).. F.RJB.E. In monthly parts. The whole will be completed in 31 volomes. 

ncient Cities of Geraa 
pp. 80. Privately printed. 

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Excursion (An) from Jericho to the Ruins of the ancient Cities of Geraza and 
Amman in the country east of the river Jordan. Post 8vo. pp. 80. Privately printed. 



1853.] Li$t cf PuiUcatums. 241 

Faber (G. S.) — The Revival of the French Emperorship anticipated from 

the Necessitj of Prophecy. 12ido. 
Fontaine (Rev. J.) — Memoirs of a Huguenot Family. An Autobiography. 

12IDO. pp.618. 

Frere (J. A.)— On some Inconsistencies in the Rationalistic Method of Treating 
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Garden (Rev. Francis)— Lectures on the Beatitudes. Small 8vo. 

Gaull (Rev. Robert) —Popery the Man of Sin and the Son of Perdition. 

Crown 8vo. 
Gospels (The) and Acts, Notes on ; with Illustrations of the Doctrine, Prin- 

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Hall (Rev. H. B.) Proofs of the Divinity of Jesus Christ and the Personality 

of the Holy Spfait. With an Introduction and Notes. ISmo. pp.30. 

Handbook of Familiar Quotations from English Authors. Fcp. 8vo. 

Hardy (R. Spence) — A Manual of Buddhism. 8vo. 

Hinds (S.), Bishop of Norwich— Scripture and the Authorised Version of 
Scrlptctoe. Two Sermons, with an Append!! aod Glossary. 8vo. pp.160. 

Holy Bible ; with Notes, Critical, Practical, and Devotional. Edited by the 
Rev. Thomas Wilson. PsrtL 4to. pp.84. 

Hopkins (Rev. W. B.), M.A. — Apostolic Missiokb. 

(Rev. S.)— The Voice of the Church. 12mo. pp. 462. 

Hughes (Edward) — Outlines of Scripture Geography and History. 12mo. 
Hulbert (Rev. C. A.), M.A. — The Gospel Revealed to Job. 8vo. 
Kennard (Rev. R. B.) — ^The Evidences of Religion, Natural and Revealed. 

8vo. 

Kingsmill (Rev, Joseph) — Missions and Missionaries Historically Viewed. 

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Life by the Fireside. Bv the Author of * Visiting my Relations.' 12mo. 

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M'Lagan (Professor) — Lectures and Sermons. 8vo. 
Macvicar (J. G.), D.D. — An Enquiry into Human Nature. 8vo. 
Manning (Geo. T.)— Outlines of the History of the Middle Ages. 12mo. 
Blarcel (('.) — Language as a Means of Mental Culture and Litemational 

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Melvill (Rev. H.), B.D.— A Selection from the Lectures delivered at St. 
Mcigarefs.Lothbiiry, hi 1850. 1861, and 18«2. SdmUSto. 

Miall (Edward), Esq., M.P.— The Bases of Belief. 8vo. pp. 437. 

Montgomery (James)— Original Hymns for Public, Private, and Social 

Worship. 12mo. 

Moody (Rev. N. J.)— The Vine brought out of Egypt. 12mo. pp. 150. 
VOL. IV. — NO. VII. R 



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242 Liit of Pvhlications. [April, 

Morell (J. D.)--Elemeiit« of Psychology. Part I. Royal 12mo. 

Miire (Colonel William)— A Critical History of the Literature of Greece. 

Naturalist (The). Illustrative of the Animal, Vegetable, and Mineral King- 
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Nicolini (G. B.)— History of the Jesuits. Poet 8vo. Pp. 500. 

Northesk (The Countess oO— The Sheltering Vine. Post 8vo. pp. 670. 

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Roberts (Rev. R. A.)— The Open Seal ; or, Prophecy Tested and Attested. 
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Saulcy (F. de), Member of tlie French Institute — Narrative of a Journal round 

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Scrivener (F. H.)— A Full and Exact Collation of about Twenty Greek MS3. 
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Self-Denial the Preparation for Easter. 12mo. 

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1853.] Li$t of Fublicatims. 243 

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OBITUARY. 

At his Episcopal residence, Dr. John Kaye, Bishop of Lincoln. The. de- 
ceased prelate was as eminent for his accomplishments and learning, as he was 
estimable for the piety and moderation of his character. When at Cambridge he 
had the rare distinction of winning the doable honour of senior wrangler and 
senior medaUist. Dr. Kaye, in 1814, was elected Master of Christ's College ; in 
1815 was created D.D. by royal mandate; and in 1816, on the death of Dr. 
Watson, Bishop of Llandtdf, he was appointed his successor as Regius Professor 
of Divinity. Some of the lectures delivered from this chair have been published, 
under the title of Ecclesiastical History, as illustrated by the writings of TertuUiaa 
and of Justin Martyr. The theological works by which Dr. Kaye's name is most 
generally known, relate to ecclesiastical history, which was his favourite study, 
and few bad better acquaintance with patristic lore. His * Account of the Writing 
uid Opinions of Clement of Alexandria,' and his * Athanasius and the Coun^ 
of Nice,' attest his learning and research <m such subjects. — Literary Gaz§iU^ 
Feb. 26th. 

Of his anonymous writings two at least are pretty well known to controyersial 
readers, — ^the * Remarks on Dr. Wiseman's Lectures,' and the * Reply to the 
Travels of an Irish Gentleman.' We have the authority of the Timtu for assigning 
these works to the late prelate.-— ^tA^mncfn, Feb. 26th. 

Jan. 26th, at Netting Hill, the Rev. Thomas Spencer, M.A., Secretary to the 
National Temperance Society. 

In Oct. 1816 he went to St. John's Collie, Cambridge. In every college 
examination he was in the first class. In the Senate-House he took his degree as 
mathematical wrangler in 1820, and soon afterwards obtained the prize given by 
his coUege to the bachelor of arts who passes the best examination in moral 
philosophy. Mr. Spencer's labours were chiefly devoted to the removal of 
pauperism and intemperance, and to the elevation of the labouring classes, in 
which he was eminently successful. In Sept. 1847 he resigned his living of 
Hinton Charterhouse, near Bath, resolving to seek in London a lai^r sphere of 
usefulness, and since his residence in London he chiefly dedicated himself to the 
pulpit and the temperance phitform. He was one of Uie most earnest friends of 
civil and religious liberty and of social reforms which this age has produoed.—- 
Weekly New, 

Oct. 16th, at Keyworth, Leicestershire, at an advanced ajKe, the Rey. Peter 
Lovett Fraser. Mr. Fraser was formerly a Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. 

He was a very intimate friend of the late Mr. Walter, and, if we rightly re- 
collect, was of material assistance to him in establishing the printing-machine of 
the Timet, He has bequeathed his library to his college, together with a sum of 
money to be applied for its arrangement and preservation. — Gentleman's Maga- 
zine^ March. 

On the 27th of Sept. last, near Lake Tsad, Dr. Overweg, another hearty trayeller 
of vigorous enterprise, fell a victim, at the age of 30, to the service of African 
exploration. Dr. Overweg was by profession a geologist, and had already made 
some advancement in his pursuits, when a feeling of self-devotion to the cause of 
geographical discovery prompted him to accompany Dr. Richardson, as naturalist, 
to (Antral Africa. 

He was a man of kind and unassuming manners, and his official despatches 
testify of a mind remarkably clear and precise. — Literary Gazette, Feb. 26th. 

In his 74th year, the Rev. Joseph Gilbert, Pastor of'^the Lidependent Church 
in Friar Lane, Nottingham. 

Mr. Gilbert studied under the celebrated Dr. Edward Williams at Rotherham. 
As an author he did not appear so f^requentiy before the public as, with his fijie 
and subtie talents, and most respectable literary attainments, he would haye been 
justified in doing. With the exception of a few pamphlets, or single discourses, 
and occasional contributions to the pages of the Sdectic Review and other 
periodicals, we are aware of but two principal productions of his pen, yiz. a 
* Memoir of Dr. Williams,' and the ' Christian Atonement,' marked by a similarity 
in style and treatment to the manner of that profound metaphysician. — Gentleman' e 
Mdgazinef Feb. 

At Lyndon, March 9, after a short illness, the Rev. T. K. Arnold. His services 
to the cause of classical education were of considerable value. Under his super 
intendence many works were published, by which important researches and com' 
ments of continental scholars were introduced to EngUsh students. 

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THE 

JOURIfAL 



OP 



SACRED LITEEATFRE. 

No. VIII. — JULY, 1853. 

THE RIVERS OF DAMASCUS/ 

^ Akb not Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Damascus, better than 
all the waters of Israel?' Such was the indignant reply of 
Naaman when God's prophet told him to wash in Jordan thathe 
might be cleansed from his leprosy. Where are these rivers? now ? 
Near three thousand years have passed since the words were 
uttered. Powerful empires have been established and have passed 
Hway during the interval ; and proud cities have risen to fflory 
and to fame, and have crumbled a^ain into ruin. But the lapse 
of centuries, which changes dynasties and prostrates the proudest 
tnonuments of man's ^emus, enects but little change in the features 
of nature. While B albek's grandeur is faded, and Jerusalem's 
beauty is gone, Lebanon is still that goodly mountain which Moses 
saw from the top of Pisgah, and Hermon raises its hoary head on 
high as when the Psalmist celebrated it in son^. Though so 
many centuries have passed, therefore, since the Abana and Phar- 
par were gpoken of, yet we may look for them to-day with as 
much confidence as the geographer would have done in the days 
of Naaman. 

* Ab it seems desirable that an article of this nature should have its information 
authenticated to the readers of the Journal, we may state that we owe it to the pen 
of the Bev. J. L. Porter, M.A.» who has been for some years a m issi o na r y at Da- 
mascus and has travelled much in Syria and Palestine. Further communications 
are expected from the same hand. 

VOL. IV. — NO. vm. 8 

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246 The Riven of Danmeus. [Joly, 

It is somewhat strange, that while scores of travellers fmm 
yearly through Damascus, these liyers have hitherto f^sceiyed, 
even from the most accurate of them, but a uaaeiatg and indistinct 
notice. Their scenery and their character mpb never yet been 
described, their sources have been meptf objects of coniecture, 
and the lakes into which they emftj their waters ooniessedly 
unknown. 

There are just two rivef* a( any note or importance in the dis- 
trict of Damascus. These are the Barada and the ' Awaj ; and 
the careful observer cannot resist the conclusion that these are the 
rivers referred tohf Naaman. They are both within the territory 
which was ikm called by the name of the City. It is to be towh^- 
bered alsD that it is rivers j and not fountains, that are Mentioned ; 
and that these rivers he compares with another river— die Jordan. 
We cannot think, as some would have it, ^t Naaman would 
institute a comparison between a fiMMtom and a river, or Uiat 
he would ecdl a fountsun a nver, or a fountain and a river 
two rivers. 

The only question, then, of any difficulty is, Which is Ae Abana 
and which is the Pharpar ? Now it would seem natural that the 
more important stream wovld be mentioned first ; and it would 
also seem natural that the stream with which an inhabitant of 
Damaseos would be most familiar would also be mentioned first. 
A Damascene of the present day would never put the 'Awaj before 
(he Barada in speaking to a stranger. The latter is by far the 
most important river ; and, besides, some branch of it meets him 
in every quarter of the city, and he hears the murmurs of foun- 
tains supplied by it in every dwelling. Should this be taken for 
argument, we would say at once that me Abana is now the Barada* 
It, and it alone, flows through the cityi the other river being at 
the distance of several miles. 

But there are other arguments more convincing, perhaps, than 
these, which go to establish the same opinion. Tne name of the 
first river rererred to by Naaman is, in the sacred text, ra^H, 
Abana^ but the Qeri reading, which it is well known the Jews 
preferred to the other, is n:)DM, Arruma^ — the meaning of this 
word being Hie Perennial. In Cant. iv. 8, we find mention 
made of a mountain called Amana^ and spoken of in connection 
with Sbenir and Hermon. Gresenius, in his Hebrew Lexicon, 
observing the similarity in name, says, under the word Amana: 
* N. pr. (the proper name) fluvii perennis in Antilibano scaturientis 
et Damascum irrigantis, 2 Reg. v. 12, a quo ilia ipsa Libani pars 
idem nomen adoptavit.' In the ^Synopsis Crit. Sacr.,^^ it is 

»• Poll Synop. Crit. Sac, Cant. iv. «: 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



1853.] Tie Ewers if Ikmascus. 247 

stated that, ^ Amanus, which is also called Abanus, is a mountain 
in Syria which takes its name from a river.* The similarihr of 
name suggests a similarity of locality, but I do not know that there 
is any other ground for tlie opinions above stated. I am inclined, 
however, on the whole, to aoKAowledge at least their very strong 
probability. Now the mountain Amana is distinguished from 
Hermon in Cant. iv. 8. And, admitting the above reasoning, the 
mountain Amana t^es its name from the river ; that river, there- 
fore, must be locally connected with some mountain other than 
Hermon. But the river ' Awaj takes its rise high up on the 
eastern side of Hermon, and we consequently infer that this cannot 
be the Abana, and are shut in to the conclusion that the Abana or 
Amana and Barada are identical, it having its source in Anti- 
lebanon, a day's journey norths Hermon. 

This opinion is not new. Munro suggested it in 1833, and 
said that the 'Awaj was the ancient Pharpar, and the Barada the 
Abana. Dr. Robinson, in the Bibliotheca Sacra, adds his valu- 
able testimony, and gives a summary of the ailments in ikvour 
<rf it.« The Barada was called the Chrysorrhoas by the Greeks, 
and is referred to by Pliny ^ and Ptolemy, ® and also, I think, by 
Strabo. 

In the very centre of the great diain. of Antilibanus is a beau- 
tiful and ferule plain. Its northern end is covered with the dense 
foliage of the gardens and orchards that surround the village of 
Zebed&ny. On the west it is shut in by dark rugged mountains 
with rooky sides and jagged tops. Along its eastern ude runs a 
loftier range. On the south the ground rises gradually; and 
beyond this is a confused mass of mack and bare mountain sum- 
mits, overtopped in the distance by the »x)W-6apped Hermon. 

The plain is eight miles long, and its greatest breadth three. 
At the loot of the mountains on its western side, about half-way 
down it, is a little lake some three hundred yards long, by fifty 
broad. Hiis is the fountain of the Barada. The river flows fitHu 
it in a north-east direction, but soon sweeps round a rising ground, 
on which are a few ruins, and, turning southward, continues its 
course to the end of the plain. Two ver^ small fountains, higher 
up in the plain, empty their waters into it in a littie united stream. 
The river of Zebedany, which has its source at 'Ain Hawar, two 
hours farther up, &lls into the Barada only in winter ; the water 
being exhausted during the summer in the irrigation of the 
northern portion of the plain. Through the plain l£e Barada has 
an easy current, and is about twenty reet in width. On reaching 
the extremity of the plain, it makes a sharp turn to the left, dashes 

" Bibltotbeca Baera, vi. p. «71. «> PUn. v. 18. * Ptol. v. 15. 

s 2 

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248 The Rivers of Damascus. [Julyy 

over a cliff some thirty feet in height, and enters a siiUime gwgc 
which here divides the main chain of Antilebanon. Just above 
the waterfall it receives a winter stream from the south, imme- 
diately below which it was once spanned by a Roman bridge. 
An aqueduct was also conducted in ancient times along its ri^t 
bank, and carried across the bed of the winter stream. The nuns 
of these works may still be seen. 

After entering the gor^e, the river da^es onward, a foaming 
torrent, struggling with fallen rocks and projecting i^ged banks. 
The ravine mcreases in grandeur as you proceed, 'rte frowning 
difis on each side rise higher and higher. The road is carried 
along the left bank, now hewn through the soft rock, and now 
sweeping round a projecting cliff. Cfe the left, above the road, 
are traces of an aqueduct, once tunnelled along the mountain side, 
but now exposed by the falling of the rock. In passing this spot, 
the traveller can see no outlet for the torrent that madly dashes 
from rock to rock at his feet. Directly in front rises a precipitous 
mountain-side more than a thousand feet in height On each side 
mountains no less steep and lofty shut him in. But advandng a 
few paces through an excavation, he perceives the deep gorge 
through which rushes the stream aft;er turning a shaip an^e to 
the left. And here a view opens up to him which surpa^es in 
grandeur and interest that wmch he has lefL The river, a few 
minutes below, again turns to the right, and the view is shut in as 
before. But now, along the precipitous mountain-side, on the left 
bank, he sees immense excavations for roadways and aqueducts, 
with here and there the sculptured openinfis to sepulchral caves, to 
which access is obtained by long flights of steps newn in the rode. 
This is the necropolis of the ancient AbUa. 

Crossing the nver by a bridge, and pursuing for a few minutes 
a naiTow path hewn out along the right bank, the traveller passes 
through another deep cutting. In five minutes more he reaches 
the little village of Suk-W^y-Barada. This is the site of the 
ancient city. 

The history of this place is involved in some degree of obsco- 
ritv ; and from arguments drawn fix)m statements of Josephus in 
reference to it, dom)ts have been cast on the accuracy of tne nar- 
rative given by the evangelist Luke. I wiU endeavour to detiul 
briefly all that history tells us about it I will thus have an 
opportunity of showing that a careftil consideration and comparison 
of the various references made to Abila by Josephus tends to 
establish the truth of Luke's words, that ^ Lysanias was tetrarcb 
of Abilene.' 

About sixty years before the Christian era, Ptolemy the son of 
Menneus was king or governor of Chalds and the district attached 



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1853.] The Rivers of Damascus. 241 

to it ' Chalcis was situated in the great plain of Coelosyria, at 
the foot of Antilebanon, and about twenty miles south of B'albek 
or Heliopolis. « The country attached to it comprised the whole 
southern ridge of Antilebanon, from Coelosyria to the plain of 
Damascus, and included Hermon and Paneas, afterwards Csesarea 
Philippi, on the south ; while on the east of Hermon it perhaps 
extended over Batanea, Auranitis, and Trachonitis. ^ Ptolemy is 
spoken of as restless and turbulent, and for this reason obnoxious 
to the people of Damascus, who sought by forei^ aid to drive 
him from ms kingdom, but were unsuccessfuL His position was 
peculiarly fitted for annoying and plundering the Damascenes, 
upon whom he could suddemy descend from the wild defiles of 
the neighbouring mountains. 

Upon the death of Ptolemy, his son Lysanias succeeded him. ^ 
He is said to have removed tne seat of his government to Abila, 
which for that reason, and to distinguish it from other Syrian 
cities of the same name, was called the AbUa of Lysanias. This 
statement is made in the ^ Synopsis Crit. Sac,' under Luke iii. 1, 
and Ptolemy is cited as authority. I have now no means of 
referring to Ptolemy, and cannot therefore either assert or deny 
its accuracy. As quoted by Reland, however, Ptolemy simply 
says: *Abila cognomine Lusanion,' "^ which would leave the 
matter as it is in Josephus. In accordance with the common 
practice of that period, the whole province over which Lysanias ruled 
took the general name of the ?umse or kingdom of Lysanias. " 

Lysamas having been murdered through the artifices of Cleo- 

Satra about the year 36 B.C., the kingdom remained for a consi- 
erable time without a regular governor ; and the revenues were 
drawn for a few years by the cruel and voluptuous queen. After 
her death the kingdom was hired and farmed by Zenodorus, a 
celebrated robber, perhaps the same spoken of by btrabo. Wish- 
ing, however, to augment his limited revenues, ne allied himself 
to the banditti that then inhabited the strong and intricate defiles 
of Trachonitis. His territory was, in consequence, wrested from 
him by Caesar, and given to Herod the Great, about 20 b.c. ^ 

Herod, in his will, which was ratified by the Roman emperor, 

bequeathed the districts of Gaulonitis, Trachonitis, and Paneas to 

his son Philip, ^ b.c. 4. Josephus makes no mention of the pro- 

' I ■ • 

' Josep. Ant. xiii. 6, 8; zhr. S, 3 1 and cha]^ vii. 4, and xii. 1. 

s The site of Chalcis is now identified. It is a little to the left of the road from 
Beyrout to Damascus, and half an hoar north-east of the little viUage of Mejdel 
'Anjar. The city walls and the foundations of some large structures can still be 
traeed. Near the ruins is a fine fountain, one of the sources of the ancient Leontes. 

^ Josep. XV. 10, 1 and 3. • Josep. Wars, 1, 13, 1. 

* Reland, Pales, p. 340. "» Josep. Ant. xv. 10, 1. 

" Josep. Ant xv, 10, 1. " Id. xyii. 8, 1, and Luke iii. 1. 



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250 The Mivers of Damascus. [July, 

vince of Abilene^ nor does he tell to whom it was giren, though 
he expressly states that only a certain part of the house of Zeno- 
dorus waa subiect to Philip. ^ Two thisigs are especially worthy 
of notice in this statement^ as tending to confirm and illustrate the 
words of the sacred historiaa. First: What Josephns formerly 
called the house of lofsamas^ from its then late ruler, he now 
calls the ?unise of Zenodorus^ after its last goYcmor. Second: A 
certain part being spoken of as giren to Pmlip, we naturally con- 
clude that the remaining part, namely the province of Abilene, 
passed inta the hands of some other person; and this person,. 
Luke tells us, was Lysanias. And hence, likewise, do we con- 
clude, that when Josephus speaks at an after period, not of the 
whole house of Zenodorus^ but of the district of Abilene as distin- 
guished from the other parts of it, and says that it — this district 
of Abilene^ — ' had been tne tetararchy of Lysanias,' he refers not to 
the first Lysaniasy whose name he liad never in any way connected 
with Abila, but to the Lysanias mentioned by Luke. And the 
statement of Ptolemy, above referred to^ even if correct, cannot 
in any way affect our argument ; for though the dty of Abila 
may have taken the name of the first Lysanias, this does not 
warrant us in stating that the province of Abila, as contradistin- 
guished from the house or kingdom of Lysanias, * had been the 
tetrarcby of Lysanias.' In fact the narrative of Josephus is 
involved in inextricable confrisbn, imless we regard the Lysanias 
^governor of Chaleis and the Lysanias tetrarch of Abilene as two 
distinct persons. 

A period of thirty years intervened between the time when 
Philip became tetrarch and the time when he is referred to by 
Luke. After this he ruled seven years, and died aj). 33. The 
subsequent histoiy of Lysanias is not given ; and till four ^ears 
after this period there is no further account of Abilene. Cahgula 
then gave the tetrardty of Lysanias to Agrippa the grandson of 
Herod. "^ Claudius, scnne vears afterward, confirmed him in the 
government, and renewed the gift of the Abila of Lysanias. ' On 
me death of Agrippa, a.b. 44, Judea was made a Roman pro- 
vince ; but to his youthful son Herod, the emperor gave a few 
years afterward tl[e kingdom of Chalcis. * Four years later^ 
Josephus says that, 'Claudius bestowed upon Agrij^ the tetrarchy 
of Hiilip and Batanea, and added to it Tradiomtis with Abila, 
which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias ; but he took from 
him Chalcis.' * 

The name Abila we afterwards find on somie of the andent 
Itineraries and Geographical Tables. ** The date of these, how- 

p Josep. Ant. xviL 11, 4. ' Id. ch. vi. 10. ' Id. xix. 5, 1. 

* Id. XX. 5, 2. « Id. clu viL 1. » Rdand, pp. 311 and 393. 



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18&3.] The Bhers of Damascus. 251 

ever, is acmieiHkat imeefrtain, and I do not therefore refer to them 
kcare, as they will be cited below. 

Alnla was the seat of a Inshopric daring some of the early 
centnrieB of the Quistian era. It was ranked nnder the Patriarch 
of Antioch, and in the province of Phoenieia €ff^ Lebimon, The 
cities of this province are thus ranked in the *Notiitia£cclesiastica' 
arrai^ed and pid>I]Bhed by Carolus A. S. Paulo : — 

1. EdesaM^sropolis. 

2. Loadicea. 

3. Heliopolis. 

4. AbiUa. 

5. Damascus; &c.^ 

The names of at least three of its hisiKops have been handed 
down to us in tiie records of synods and oimncils. Ii\ the sixth 
act of the Council of Cbaleedon, which met in the year a.i>. 451, 
is ibund the name JordcmeSy Bishop of Abila. ^ In the latter part 
of the same century, Joanne%^ Bishop of Abila, signed the synodi- 
cal epistle sent to the emperor Leo. * And in the year a.d. 518, 
another bishop, Alexander^ is mentioned under the reign of the 
emperor Justin. • 

In the year of the Hejira 13 (a.d. 634),. immediately after the 
taking of Damascus by the Muslems, some of the Arabic historians 
give a graphic account of an attack then made on the Christians 
of Abila by Abdullah Ibn-Jafer, aided by the renowned Khaled. 
There then lived in the convent of that city a priest widely cele- 
brated for sanctity and learning. An annual iair, having some- 
thing of the character of a pilgrimage^ was held at his residence 
at Easter. This was the great mart for the luxuries of Northern 
Syria. Devout Christians from far and near regularly assembled 
here to honour the saint, obtain his blessing, and make gain. 
The pious followers of the Prophet had just completed the plunder 
of Damascus, and were Iookii]g round the neighbouring aties for 
a ffidr opportunity to extend their fiuth and gratify their passions. 
A renegade Christian brought the joyful inteUigence of the assem- 
blage at Abila. Not a moment was lost. Abdullah, with five 
hundred veterans, fell suddenly on the unofiSbnding Christians* 
The Moslems, however, well nigh paid the penalty of their wan- 
ton attack. The daughter of the Prefect of Tnpdi had come» 

' Notltia Bcf^eslastica in Geogmphia Sae« Aoc. C. A. S. ^anlo, Amsterdam, 
1708, p. 50. 

y li 294. ■ Id. 

• BibL Sac. ▼. 85. In this article on Abila, Dr. Robmson treats its history with 
Ms nsoal abiBty. His conclasions agree with those advanced above ; and it is one 
of the best guarantees fbr their truth when one, who is as justly celebrated for his 
acme disoiinuDation as ft>r his profound learning, givM Hkem to tha pohlio. 



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S52 The Bivers cf IkfinaMU. [Jviji 

with a gua]*d of five thousand horse, to obtain the biesainff of die 
saintly priest before her marriage. Th^ attadc of the Muslema 
was resisted by her guards, and uiefar little biuid was soon hemmed 
in, and almost reduced to despair. But when hope had wdl nigh 
gone, Khaled's Toice was heard behind. A swift messenger had 
carried to hu[n an account of the danger of Abdullah. He gal- 
loped with a chosen band to the rescue, and fell with his accus- 
tomed fury on the Christians, whom he soon routed with great 
slaughter. The followers of the Prophet returned to Damascus 
covered with glory and laden with spoil. The fair bride, after 
witnessing the death of her father, was led away among the cap- 
tives, and forced to exchange a Christian for a Muslem lord. *> 
This is the last reference I find to Abila in andent history. 

The site of the andent dty is preciselv fixed bv the Itineraries 
of Antonine, and of the ' Peutinger Tables.' ^ The following are* 
extracts firom these invaluable documents : — 

lUn. Anton. Peuting, Tab. 

Hemesa. Eliopoli. 

Laudicia, M. P. xviii. Abila, M. P. xxxii. 

Lybo, M. P. xxxii. Damasco, M. P. xviii. 

Heliopol], M. P. xxxii. 
Abila, M. P. xxxviii. 
Damasco, M. P. xviiL 

The position of the dty is here accurately fixed as on the lead- 
ing road between Heliopolis and Damascus, and eighteen Roman 
mSes from the latter. The village of S<iJc-Wady-Barada corre- 
sponds exactly with that distance. It is now reckoned five hours* 
ordinary travelling from Damascus. The andent name, too, still 
lingers about this spot. On the summit of a lof)^ liill which rises 
almost perpendicularly immediately on the south side of the village, 
is an andent ruin, and beside it a gigantic tomb called £abr 
McMl — the Tomb of Abil. The ruin is now almost completely 
prostrate ; but the nature of the workmanship, as seen m the 
foundations, and large hewn stones scattered around, show that it 
must be ascribed to the Roman age. The building was oblong, 
fourteen yards long by seven wide. At the east end was the 
door, and before it a small portico, the columns of which have 
fallen and rolled down the precipice to the river side below. The 
character of the whole ruin, ana the fact that the door was in the 
east end, show that it was originally a temple, and not a church 
as Pocock affirms. No inscription is now visible, but the stone, 
containing it may have frillen down the mountain side. This is 
still a place of pilgrimage for Muslems. In andent times it is 

i> Ockley's Hist, of the Sanoens. *" Reland» Pales, pp. 311 and 393. 

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1858.] The Bdvers of DamascuB. |53 

said to have been venerated by ChristianB also. From the summit 
there is a commanding view of the surrounding country. The 
windings of the Barada can be traced through rent mountains till 
it passes the last raVine, and enters the plain of Damascus. 

On the left bank of the Barada, high above the modem bridge, 
are two of the most interesting remains of antiquity. Having 
climbed up for some minutes amon^ huge masses of rock, whi^ 
the wear of centuries has separated m>m the frowning clifls above, 
I reached a spacious road hewn in the solid rock. Its breadth is 
twelve feet, and the total length of the cutting a hundred and 
fifty yards. The wall of rock on the left is generally of great 
height; but on the right, next the river, there are lai^ open 
spaces occasioned by tne inequality of the precipice. The road 
leads to the edge of an overhanging cliff some thirty feet in height. 
It was formerly^ no doubt, carried along on arches or columns. 

On the north wall of this excavation are two Latin inscriptions* 
each occurring in a difierent place. These inscriptions have 
been often minted, but, so far as I know, never yet with perfect 
accuracy. Two versions of them are given in the *Bibliotheca 
Sacra,' and these, with the able comment of President Woolsey, 
enables the antiquarian to arrive at the truth. As the inscriptions 
are important, I give a copy which I took with great care, and 
believe to be correct : — 

Isi. 2nd. 

PBOSALVTE IMFCAESMAVBELANTONINVS 

IMPAVOANTONI A V O A BM B N I AC VSET 

NIETVSBIMVO I M PC AESL A V B ELY EBV S AY G A B 

LYSIY8 MAXIMYS MENIACY8 YIAM FLYMINI8 

^LEOXYIFF YIABBYPTAM INTEBCISO 

i^YIOPBBI IN MONTE BESTITYEBYNT PEB 

8TITYTVS lYLYEBYMLEOPBPBPBOYINC 

STBETAMICYMSYYM 

INPENDIISABILENOBYM 

These inscriptions leave no doubt of the proximity of the city of 
Abila. 

Immediately below the road, and running parallel to it, is an 
aqueduct also hewn in the rock. It is about two feet and a half 
wide by four high. In some places it is open above, the cutting 
being not less than twelve feet deep. Through this I passed to 
the precipice- at the termination of the road. Here stood, in 
MaundreU's day, some heavy pillars, *^ the fragments of which are 
now strewn along the river s bank below. They were perhaps 
intended to support the roadway, as there is no q)ace for even a 

d Maundrell, p. 134. 

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^54 The Rivers of Damofcvs, [July» 

small btdlding. Beside these fragments^ on a slab whidi once 
formed the door of a tomb, is the following inscriptioii : — 
€AN-i: OAOYKI 

M HTPYT O C Yl OC 

H C eeM K€N 

In passing along fix)m the aqueduct, I observed a narrow road 
on the left, m part hewn in the rock, and winding up a wild govwt 
by a series of steps to the summit of the cliff, I followed its 
course, and in alx)ut ten minutes reached extensive quarries. 
Returning by the same way, I traced the ^reatroad and the aque- 
duct as they wind along below the sepufehral caves. I was able 
to trace them for about a quarter of a mile, now supported by 
strong mason-work) and now tunnelled and hewn in the rockL 
Where they appeared to have terminated, I found the commence- 
ment of the ruins of the ancient city. Fragments of columns, 
massive foundations, and heaps of hewn stones are scattered along 
the river side, half buried in the soil. On the summit of a little 
hill considerably farther down, are the ruins of a small village 
comparatively modem, but built out of the materials of more 
ancient and imposing structures. The ruins extend for more than 
a mile along this left bank, and at their termination near the 
little villa^ of Kefr-el-'Awamid (Kefr of the Pillars), are the 
remains of a temple and other buildings. The principal part of 
Abila seems to have stood on this side of the river, and for the be- 
nefit of those dwelling here the road and aqueduct were constructed. 
I forded the river with much difficulty below the village of Sftk, 
and proceeded to examine the right bank and the village itself for 
remains of antiquity. I found many,, but chiefly in the walls and 
courts of the modem houses. From a large stone in the wall of a 
mill, which stands on the v^ry brink of the stream,. I copied the 
following fragment of an inscription, which I believe has never 
before been noticed. A few lines at the beginning are totally 
de&ced. The first line here given is not immediately connected 
with that which follows : — 

I N O Yv I O I A YVO 

P KO Y P I O M AXX/ 

AO Y€ Y€(?)€ B U) N A I 

P O N A A P I AN TA 

I O YA N€e K€« N YT 

T6€ AYTO Y KAFY 

AIKOCKAIT6I NOY 

TOY€(?) rr* AAICIOY 
On another stone brought from near this spot to Damascus by 
the late French consul, is the following inscription, which is import 
tant as containing the name of a biaiop— t/oawwe« — perhaps the 

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1853.] The Bivers of Damascus. 255 

T^ry sanbe Joaimes who signed the synodical epistle referred to 

above : — 

€niTO¥^nU)TAIOY 
lb>ANNO¥€niCK /rv:/^ 
H M W NTO¥l€ PAR O X 
0€MBOXOC€ nX AKW e 
€NMA€CIU}TO¥U}0€ 
€TO¥CINA9 rScPCi>A^ 

Such is the post history and present state of the Ahila of Ly- 
sanias. Its glory and its name are gone. The most conspicuous 
memorials of its past greatness — the tombs which its proua inha- 
bitants hewed out for themsehres high in the rock • — even these 
are the emblems of man's mortality. The posilion of the city was 
one of great natural beauty. Even as it » now, I have seen but 
few spots more strikmgly grand. The towering difls which over- 
top, ahnost overhang, the vale, the green sloping banks terraced 
for the vine, and strewn with ruins, and the foaming river dashing 
along over its rocky bed below, present a tout ensemble of surpass- 
ing grandeur. But what must it have been' when Abila was in 
the pride of its prosperity, when every hill and height was crowned 
with its temple, and when the sloping banks were covered with the 
mansions of its nobles and with the statues of its gods f 

From Suk-Wady-Barada ta the village of Deir E^andu the rides 
of the valley slope gently upward, and afford a Kght soil for culti- 
vation. The distance between these villages is fifty minutes. On 
the left bank of the stream, ten minutes below Suk, is the small 
village called Berheleiya, and ten minutes farther Kefr-el-'Awa- 
mid, and thirty-five minutes farther Kefr-ez-Zeit. On the right 
bank there are but two small villages — Huseiniyeh, half an hour 
below Sttk, and DeirKanou. The notes of Burckhardt, and of the 
many who have transcribed firom him, on this part are very incorrect. 
Tliere is no village called Suk but the one already described ; and 
there are no villages or ruins here except those referred to. 

At Deir Eanou the course of the river turns from south by east 
to nearly north-east, and the banks become loftier and ffraduallT 
predpitous. A pleasant ride of twenty minutes from Ken^ez-Zeit 
Drought me to Deir Mukurrin. The path winds along the left 
bank by the side of lovely gardens abounding with the walnut,^ 
apricot, charrVf and pomegranate. As I passed along, the 
branches of the apricot, laden with its delicious finiit, shaded the 
pathway ; whQe here and there luxuriant vines hung in festoons 
nrom the garden walls and from the larger trees. The rich ^een 
of this line of verdure contrasted finely with the blasted desolation 



ha^xxii. 16. 



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256 The Biven of Damascus. [July, 

of the mountain sides above, and with the wild grandeur of the 
rugged difls in front. 

The banks now contract, and rise abrupt and broken from the 
belt of verdure along the stream. But the path becomes so narrow, 
and the descent on the right so steep and threatening, that both 
mind and eye are instinctively withdrawn from the contemplation 
of nature's grandeur bv anxiety for self-preservation. The pro- 
jecting mountain side is passed, and the descent nearly accom- 
plished, ere the eye is raised again or the mind fi'eed fit)m thought 
but now a murmuring sound, as of &lling waters, strikes the ear. 
You look in vain for the cause —a dense mass of foliage is all that 
can be seen below. As you descend, the sound becomes more 
distinct. The descent is accomplished : you dismount beneath the 
shade of wide-spreading walnuts : the ruins of an ancient temple 
are beside and around you. But still that mysterious sound, now 
increased tenfold : where are the waters which cause it ? Approach 
the edge of the Utile terrace ; look below, and there, at your feet, 
are the boiling, leaping waters bursting from the restraining grasp 
of the giant mountain. You stand over one of the most magni- 
ficent fountains in Syria — 'Ain-Ftjeh. 

This fountain is some seventy yards from the bed of the Barada 
on the left bank. The great body of water rushes out from a cave 
beneath an ancient buiming which Abulfeda ' says was a church, 
but which was more probably a temple dedicated to the njrmph or 
genius of the fountain. The mouth of the cave was once confined 
by strong mason-work to an opening about a yard sqj^uare, but this 
is now partly ruinous. On each side of this opemng the water 
gushes forth with great force fix)m numerous pores in the earth 
and fissures in the rock. The volume of water is immense. Some 
estimate may be formed of it when it is stated that, a few yards 
below, there is a rapid-flowing river, at least thirty feet wide by 
three feet deep. So rapid, indeed, is the current, that, though on 
level ground, and not exceeding the depth specified, none would 
venture to ford it 

The scenery at Fijeh, and for half an hour below, is truly 
sublime. A lofty mountain chain has been rent, by some wondrous 
power, to its very foundations, and the pent-up waters, taking 
advantage of the convulsions of nature, have rushed through the 
fissure. The once regular strata have been tossed into countless 
forms. The banks tower aloft, in some places almost perpendicu- 
larly, more than a thousand feet ; while on the north side the 
mountain sununits rise abruptly above two thousand more. No 
description could convey a just impression of the wild grandeur of 
this scene. 

' Abulfeda, Tab. Syr. p. 15. 

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1863.] The Rivers of Damascus. 257 

Ten mmiites below Fijeh the river turns abruptly soutiiward for 
fifteen minutes, and then resumes its former course, having passed 
through the main ridge. In this bend, on the left bank, are traces 
of an ancient road hewn in the rock, and above it is an aqueduct 
entirely tunnelled in the mountain side. 

Having thus forced its way through the loftiest part of this 
mountain chain, the river, as has been said, turns eastward again, 
and sweeps for ten minutes along the rugged ^des of another, but 
less lofty, ridge. Then again it turns abruptly due south, and 
passes a gorge so deep, so narrow, and so predpitous, that no 
space is left even for a tootpath along its banks. The road strikes 
up a branch valley eastward till it ^adually surmounts the hills at 
the distance of some two miles. The aqueduct is here also tun- 
helled through the mountain near the ed^ of the diff, and it now 
affords a paui for the inhabitants of the httle village of Bessima to 
pass into the plain below. 

Wonderful tales are told of this aqueduct. Tradition ascribes 
its construction to Bint-es-Sultan (the daughter of the l^tan), who 
reimed in Tadmor, and who thus conducted the waters of Fijeh 
to her native city. A writer in the * Bibliotheca Sacra' has referired 
to this tradition, and has annexed to it the statement that it has 
been traced for nine hours across the plain towards Palmyra, and 
that it is again seen near that city. This seems very plausible, 
and is, to say the least, very striking. But there are a few points 
which require to be proved ere we can release it fipom the domain 
of &ncy. First, it will be necessary to establish some connection 
between the aqueduct at Bessima and that on the plain. This has 
never yet been done. Between the place where the one ends, or 
at least beyond which it cannot be traced, and the place where the 
other begins, is just twelve miles. Again, the aqueduct on the 
plain is of quite a different character from the other, being, like 
numbers in the same district, a subterranean canal for collecting 
water, and not simply for conveying it. I too have followed that 
aqueduct across the plain to its termination — not at Tadmor, how- 
ever, but at the ruins of a large and strong city situated on the 
borders of the desert, eight hours east of Damascus. This city 
has never been noticed, and I believe never visited before. And 
farther : the aqueduct which is seen at Palmyra flows to that city 
from the loftv mountains, on the north-west, called Jebl-el-Abiad 
(the White Mountains^, and the Arab sheikh who accompanied 
me on my journey to tnat city assured me that he knew its source. 
As to the tradition, I presume it is about equally well founded 
with one related to me at the fountains of Solomon near IVre. 
Standing on the brink of one of those wonderful structures, I asked 
a venerable Arab, who stood at my side : ' From whence do these 
waters come, O my father?' *From Baghdad, O my lord,* 

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258 The Biveru of Dcnmscus. [July, 

was the grave reply. ^ And who brought them here?' I again 
inquired. ^ Alexander, by the help of a «/ann,' t answered the 
learned antiquary. 

The Barada from this point has cut a de^ track across the 
desert plain of Sahra for half an hour to Judeideh, where it 
r ee eiv e s a small tributary from the right. After a winding oourse 
of three quarters of an hour more, during which it receives another 
little tributary^'also from the rigliJ;, it enters the yalleys of the last 
ridge of Antdebanon. The scenery is here no less beautiful, if 
less grand, than that at Ftjeh. The vale through which the rivar 
flows is at first of considerable width; yerdant meadows and 
blooming orchards of walnut and apricot trees spread out on every 
side, while a fringe of lofty poplars marks the river s dm>entine 
course. The whole is shut in by groups of little conical hills, with 
smooth and gently-sloping ades, and ahnost white as snow. 

The vale soon contracts; and immediately bdow the bridee 
which spans the river at Dummar, lofty and precipitous banks 
again shut it iii. After struggling through a narrow defile for 
nearly half* an hour, it emerges mto the plain, and flows in a quiet 
stream toward Damascus. 

The road, which leaves the river at Dummar, leads over the 
bare, white, chalky hills on the left bank. After fifteen minutes* 
scrambling up the hill side, and fifteen more across its rocky 
summit, I reached a qxit on the eastern brow where the road 
passes through a deep cuttin^^. On the brink of the diff on my 
right stood a ruined wely. I ascended to it, and stood beneath 
its dome ; and then a scene of verdure and beauty burst on my 
view, for which, with all my former expectaticms, I was yet unpre- 
pared. At my feet lay Damascus, embowered in its evergreen 
forests — as the Eastern poet describes it — ' a diamond set round 
with emeralds.' The morning sun lighted up its white walls and 
glanced from its polished domes and from the a^ded crescents 
of its hundred mmarets. Gardens and orchard teeming with 
fruit-trees of almost every species surround the city, and epread 
far away over the plain. An enchanting variety, too, is given to 
this panorama of verdure — the foliage of these plantations exhi- 
biting every tint of colour, from the sombre hue of the olive and 
the deep green of the cypress and walnut, to the auburn of the 
apricot and the reddening shade of the pomegranate and the 
white and glistening leaves of the poplar. And we view is exten- 
sive as it IS beautiful. Toward the west, over the low range 
which bounds the plain, towers the lofty Hermon, the hoary-headed 

^ The Janns are the most popular spirits among the Muslems. They are aop- 
posed to possess great power either for good or for evil, and are therefore both 
feaved aad respected by the people. Allusion is made to them in several places in 
tlie KvrSti^ and therefore aU Uie orthodox believe in them. 



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1853.] The Eivers of Damoiem. 259 

chief of tihe ^ Eastern hills.' An undulating country, watered hy 
the Fharpar, stretches along its base. Southward the low chaiiji 
of Jebl-d-Aswad bounds the flam^ and the loftier hills of M&iu'a 
rifie bevond, while &t away in the distance may be seen the blue 
and dim outline of Jebl Hauran. On the nmith rait these is 
■othing to arrest the eye save the da^ smi qaiveiiu g haze that 
hovers over the hanb^ desert Eastward the morning sun is 
reflaeted fim the waters of the Bahr-el-Merj, and beyond it is a 
Aaap of hills whose graceful oxiieal summits rise up with dear 
outline from the mists that veil their bases. To the north-east 
runs a long line of hills toward Tadmor in the wilderness. 

The fmiitj and beauty of this vast plain,, and the v^ exis- 
tence of the city itself^ depend entirely on the waters of the ^arada. 
Before altering the plain, four large canals are led off from it at 
different elevations. These are carried along the sides of the 
precipices on each bank of the stream, and are often hewn out and 
tmmelled in the solid rock. Two others are taken from the river 
before it enters the city, and many more farther down. These 
spread the waters over the plain in eveiy direction. Where no 
water can be had for irri^tion, the plain is a desert 

The river itself flows m a winding course through orchards and 
meadows till it enters the city. Within the walls the banks are 
shut in by mason-work, and in many places the bed of the river is 
arched over. It flows along the walls of the ancient castie within 
which the mortal remains oi the great Saladin were first committed 
to the tomh.^ It thence continues its course along the ancient city 
wall to the * gate of peace,' where it emerges from the more modem 
suburb. Thence it flows through gardens, parallel to the dty wall, 
to * Thomas' Gate,' and afterwards runs due east across the plain. 

Two hours and a half eastward fit>m Damascus, on the left 
bank of the river, ia a very dngular artificial telly or mound, called 
*Tell-es-Salahtyeh.' It is of an oval shape, and its dimensions I 
estimated as follows : — Greatest diameter, three hundred yards ; 
least diameter, one hundred ; height, a hundred feet The whole 
smrfince of the tell is covered wim the debris of crumbled brick, 
intermixed with broken pottenr. At a spot on the southern side, 
near the river, where a part oi the mound has been cut away, the 
bee of the cutting is entirely composed of a solid mass of sunoumt 
brick in regular layers. It seems as if the original form of the 
structure hiSl been a large platform of solid brickwork some thirty 
feet in height ; and then on the centre of this was erected a lofty 
building wnich in time has crumbled down, and the ruins of which 
now constitute the central portion of the tell. May it not have 
resembled the towers of Nineveh or Babylon ? 

^ See Life of Saladin by Boheddin. 

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860 The JSivera of Damascus. [July, 

A large slab of white limestone lies beade it. On this is a piece 
of rude sculpture resembling in form and dress some of Uiose 
lately brought to light by the excavations at Nineveh. The figure 
is that of a priest The beard is long, regular, and curled at the 
end similar to those found on Assyrian sculptures. The head- 
dress is broken o9. The arm is bent at the elbow, and the hand, 
close to the breast, clasps the croix anaSe — the emblem of eternal 
life. The left hand is extended in front, grasping a long staff. 
The robe or coat is short, but encircles the whole body. 

I have little doubt but that this is a memorial of the Assyrian 
dominion in Damascus. 

Two hours and a quarter below Salahiveh the river Calls into a 
large lake called M-Bahret eh-Kihliyeh (the South Lake). TTiis 
lake is six or seven hom^ in circumference* By far the lai^er 
portion of it becomes marsh during summer, but it never become 
completely dry, and the river flows into it during the whole year. 
North of this is another lake of about equal dimensions, or a little 
larger, called JEl^Bahret esh-Shurkiyeh rthe East Lake). This 
also, in a great measiu^e, becomes marsh m summer. It is sup- 
plied by water which flows into it from the former, and by one or 
two small streams, branches fi^m the Barada. Between the two 
lakes is an elevated undulating plain, averaging half an hour in 
breadth, in part covered with large shrubs of the tamarisk. 

It has generally been stated that there is but one lake at this 
place, and geographers have made fancy sketches of it upon their 
maps. I need scarcely say that these are altogether incorrect 
In fact the eastern slopes of Antilebanon, and much less the plain 
beyond, have never been laid down with any approach to accuracy 
on any map. .1 have examined careftdly, and roughly surveyed 
the whole region to the borders of the desert, and have thus been 
enabled, from my own observations, to construct a map with as 
near an approach to accuracy as can be obtained without a regular 
trigonometrical survey. 

1 have now sketched the Abana from its source to its termina- 
tion. I must reserve the Pharpar for another paper. I had 
intended to give a short account of Damascus, and likewise of 
Helbon — Ezek. xxvii. 18 — the site of which has been altogedier 
mistaken by geographers; but my space is exhausted. Before 
concluding this article, I desire to give the following details of the 
statistics and physical geography of this region, trusting that they 
may not be altogether umnteresting to the scientific r^der. For 
the statistics I have been principally indebted to Antone Bulad, a 
learned monk of the Greek Church in Damascus. ' He had access 

* M. Bul&d has speut nearly twenty^ years in coUecting and arraosing &ct8 
relative to the history, topography (ancient and modem), antiquities, and statistics 
of Damascos and iu environs. He has had access to the celebrated bat rare history 

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185a] The Bivers of Damascus. 26i; 

to the census taken by the government for the purposes of taxa- 
tion in the year a.h. 1256 (a.d. 1840), and to that taken in a.h. 1264 
(a.d. 1848). From these the following tables have been compiled. 
As the goTemment imposes taxes in proportion to the numbers 
returned, it is the interest of the people to return as few as possible ; 
and from the strict privacy of houses in the East, it is impossible to 
detect frauds in this respect It is estimated by the most competent 
authorities that the population of the eit^/ as given below is about 
forty per cent below the truth, and that of the villages twenty per 
cent The other statistics are from personal observation. 

On the banks of the Barada, fit)m its source to the place where 
it enters the plain, there are 14 villages with an aggregate popu- 
lation of about 3000 souls. That part of the plain which is 
watared by the Barada is divided into lour sections : the north and 
south Q-hdtahf and the north and south Merj ; and embraces 
besides a portion of the district on the south of the city called 
Wady eWAjam. The following are the divisions, with the num-» 
ber of their villages and the amount of the population : — 

DhirioM. 

1. North Ghatah 

2. South. Ghatah 

3. North Merj 

4. South Merj 

5. Part of Wady el-'Ajam 

Total ... 94 39,334 

The following is the population of Damascus, including the 
large village or suburb ol Salahlyeh : — 

Sects. Nnmben. 

Muslems and Druzes .... 79,964 

Christians 13,985 

Jews 4,630 

Strangers, soldiers, and slaves (estimated) . 15,000 

Total 108,579 

The total population, therefore, which resides in the district 
rendered habitable by tihe waters of the anciaot Abana is, at the 
lowest estimate, a hundred and jifty thottsand. All these, how- 
ever, are not dependent entirely for their support on the district 
in which they reside. The great granary of the city is the Hauran. 
More than flie half of the population, 1 believe, are supported by 
this noble stream. Well might the proud Syrian boast ot it before 
the prophet of Israel I 

of Hm-ea-adker, a copy of which, in ninety volume$t i« in the hands of a Moslem in 
Dainasciis. His work, if it ever be publ»hed, will throw neW light on this part of 
Syria. It is unfortunate that he is totaUy unacquainted with European languages. 
VOL. IV. — NO. Vlll. T 

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VUli^e.. 




19 


16,806 


11 


2,370 


23 


4,176 


30 


6,170 


11 


9,812 



262 The Bivers of Datnasetis. [July> 

The plain of Zebedany is, according to barometrical measure- 
ment, 3343 feet above the sea. The mountain chain on the 
eastern side of it, which is the main ridge of Antilebanon, has an 
average elevation of about 6000 feet One peal( in this ridge, 
two hours north-east of the fountain of the Barada, attains an alti- 
tude of 7000 feet, and is, with the exception of Hermon, the 
loftiest mountain in the whole ran^ of Antilebanon. The Barada 
falls only 70 feet from the fountain to the ruined Roman bridges, 
where it enters the first defile. Between this point and the modem 
bridge at Suk-wady-Barada it falls 251 feet Between the bridge 
at Suk and the village of Judeideh, on the plain of Sahra, the 
fall is 563 feet; and between Judeideh and Damascus, 265 feet 
The whole fall, therefore, from its source to the city, is 1149 feet 
The length of this portion of the Barada is about 23 Bchubb 
miles ; and thus the average fall is very nearly 50 feet to the mile. 

The extent of cultivated land watered by the river is aboot 
as follows : — From the fountain to the plain, 22 miles, with an 
average breadth of half a mile, gives 11 square miles. From the 
entrance of the river into the plain to the lakes, is 20 miles, with 
an average breadth of 15 ; and this gives 300 squai^ miles. Hie 
total irrigated land is thus 311 square miles. The population, at 
the lowest calculation, being 150,000, there are thus 482 persons 
on an average to each square mile. 

The prevailing rock in the mountains through which the Barada 
flows, is limestone. In the higher re^ons it is hard and compact, 
and when struck has a metallic sound. Near Damascus it is 
white, soft, and chalky, with large nodules of flint intermixed. 
Fossil shells and corals in great variety are found along the sum- 
mit of the great central chain of Antdebanon, through which the 
river first cuts. In the white hills near Damascus are large quan- 
tities of ammonites. At Suk-wady-Barada is a vast bed oi organic 
remains, not less than a mile in length, and in some places exceed- 
ing a hundred feet in thickness. IVunks of trees, branches d 
every size and form, and even the delicate tracery of the leaves, 
may be seen scattered about in vast masses. There are in several 
places among the mountains traces of volcanic action. On a lofty 
summit, two hours north-east of S{lk, is what appears to be an 
extinct cratar. The mountain has been rent, the hmestone strata 
thrown back, and black porous trap-rock fills up the cavity. Tlie 
^ain of Damascus has a loamy soil intermixed with fine sand. 
The substratum is generally conglomerate, made up of rounded, 
smooth pebbles, flint, and sand. The south-eastern portion of the 
plain is entirely volcanic. 



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1853.J Armemcai Tramlation of JEusebius. 263 



ARMENIAN TRANSLATION OF EUSEBIUS. 

ON THE HISTOBICAL ADVAKTAQE TO BE DEBIVED FROH THE ABHENIAN 
TBAKSLATIOH OF THE CHRONICLE OF SU8EBIU8.* 

The discovery of the Chronide of Eusebiug in the very ancient 
Armenian translation is an important event for literature. A 
work which, for many centuries, was the source of all knowledge 
on the subjects of which it treats, throughout Greek, Latin, and 
Oriental Christendom — which was everywhere translated, con- 
tinued, extracted from — which appears again and a^n as the 
basis of the most various works, possesses an intrinsic historical 
importance ; and if it has been lost in its proper form, he who 
restores it to literature, in any translation whatsoever, deserves 
OUT praises and thanks. This value the discovery of the Chro- 
nicle would possess, even if the history of the world and of lite- 
rature had gained nothing by it ; happily, however, this is not 
the case. It is true that the only manuscript which, at least up 
to the present time, appears to be extant, is incomplete ; but some 
very malignant star must have been in the ascendant, if all the 
hopes had been disappomted, which the rumour of its discovery 
had awakened. If not one new chapter had come to light, it 
would have been of inestimable advantage to andent history to 
have the hiatuses in Casaubon's Greek Excerpts supplied, and their 
corrupt passages restored. Those indeed who may have aban- 
donea themselves to vague dreams of the inexhaustible treasures 
which they suppose the work of Eusebius to have contained, will be 
discontented with the reality. ITie former more moderate hopes — 
and mine never went faruier — are fulfilled and exceeded ; nay 
Fate has been very lenient to us, for all the defective portions of 
the manuscript occur in a part which is of no consequence ; namely, 
the history of the Roman emperors, and the beginning of the 
second book. Now, since we have received this addition to our 
stores, we may not only be indiflFerent to the result of the contro- 
versy between the Venetian Mechitarists and Zohrab, about the 
right of the latter to publish his copy, but shall accord our thanks 
to this priest for having acted on his own responsibility. What 
he did, could, at most, have been unfair, only if he had bound 
himself by spedal conditions : to impose such would be very 
illiberal ; ana certainly nothing short of the step he has taken, 

■ Histcrigcher Gewum aw der armenischen Uebersetzung der Chronik des Eia^nus, 
This Essay was written by Niebuhr in 1819, but is taken fromhis Klewehistoritcha 
vnd pMlologische Schriften, published in 1828.— Tr. 

T 2 

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264 Armenian Trcmdation of Eukbiut. [July, 

which touched vanity in order to arouse indolence, woidd have 
availed to induce the monks of the Convent of St Lazarus to 
prepare an edition which is absolutely indispensable for the por- 
tions recently made known, and for the passages giving a difierent 
reading.^ 

The highest recompense which can be accorded to him who has 
undertaken a work of difficulty and magnitude in the cause of 
erudition, is, when fortune, after he has extracted all that he can 
from writings that are extant and have long been open to every 
reader, allows him to make the discovery of new treasures for his 
work, or suffers others to bring them to light in his days. For- 
tune has shown herself thus propitious in several instances, and 
hence I think I may be permitted to recognize in her dispensa- 
tions, the same Providence which watched over the preservation 
of the whole of the soiirces whence we derive our knowledge of 
antiquity. And the complaints about the insufficiency of tiiese 
sources are really unreasonable when we know how to use them ; 
besides, they become more complete, if only by minute deffrees, 
for every successive ^neration. Providence has shown similar 
feivour towards histoncal investigations of a kind considered by 
many very trivial, whose object, however — ^to gain a distinct 
conception of the events and vicissitudes of the world*s history — 
is, in truth, not trivial Such a reward was granted to Scaliger, 
whose labours so richly deserved it, by the discovery of the &- 
cerpts made by a Greek, who probably knew what was most im- 
portant in the £usebian Chronography, though unfortunately the 
single manuscript containing them was imperfect How happy 
would he have esteemed himself, if his age had brought the Arme- 
nian translation to light 1 He, who knew how to make every 
language his own, would have spared no pains to render himself 
a perfect master of this harsh and difficult tongue ; and, vivified 
by his touch, the work, which with equal boldness and learning he 
had ventured to restore according to ms own conception of it, would 
now have stood before us for two centuries in its true shape, and 
as good as in the words of the original. 

For there was only one proper plan of re-editing it, and that 
could as littie have escaped his eye as his immense acquirements 
could have failed in the execution of it ; namely, to create anew a 
Greek work. With the second book, this would not even have 
been a difficult task ; for this, the beginning of which is wanting 

^ This edition appeared shortly after thu Essay was finished, and by it the 
posubility of restonnff the Greek fh>m the Armenian work is guaranteed to anr 
one who may be capable of undertaking this meritorious task. To others it is 
▼aluable, inasmuch as it agrees with and confirms the hx more readable Milanese 
tnui&lation. 

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1853.] Ariimdan Trandatian of MiseHus. 265 

in the Annenian, contains at most an extremely small nmnber of 
very short passages, wliich have not been copied from the Greek 
original into this Chronicle, as is demonstrated by the parallel 
passages from the Byzantine chronographers, contained in the 
notes to the Milan edition. It probably diffbrs, however, here 
and there in its references to years, from the translation of St. 
Jerome. In this book, therefore, there would be nothing further 
to do than to restore it word for word from the Byzantine copies, 
under the guidance of the Armenian, and more exactiy than could 
be done without that guidance, though Scaliger effected the task 
so fiur as it was possible in his times ; — to translate and insert tbf 
additions that might occur ;— and to notify the variations. 

The task would certainly not have been so easy wil^ regard to the 
first book of the Chrcmography. A mere dance, indeed, at the 
Milanese edition shows tibat more than two-thirds of it were extant 
in Greek, and with these portions there would be nothing further 
to do than, after having arranged the fra^ents, to have recourse 
to the Armenian translation for the important improvements 
and completions of defective passages which it offers in numerous 
places. But many fragments, and by very various authors, appear 
now for the first time ; and as the lan^ua^ of Porphyry, of 
Eusebius himself, and especially the lomc dialect of Abydenus, 
are distinguished from each other by certain characteristic dif- 
ferences, it is certainly no easy thing to make a good trandation 
in thb instance. Still, the problem admitted of a solution, and 
this could be given with incomparably the greatest ease from the 
Armenian. The most profound student of this language. La 
Croze, remarks in a letter to L'Enfant (see the Whistons' Preface 
to Moses Chorenensis, p. 9), that it is superior to all others in ad- 
mitting of the closest rendering from tne Greek, so that in the 
Armenian Bible, for instance, you can recognize word for word 
the Greek text which is its basis. Hence also it was that the 
AMiistons were able, as is known, to render the apocryphal episties 
of the Corinthians to the apostie Paul, and of Paid to the Co- 
rinthians, back again into the Greek literaUy ; and who that did 
not know the fact would recognize them for a translation ? What 
is mentioned of the Armenian text in many passages of Eusebius 
displays the same literal exactness ; in fact, where the Greek was 
enigmatical to the very unlearned Oriental, he has actually trans- 
lated the component parts of the compound words, so that it reads 
very oddly. It woula therefore be perfectiy practicable to express 
even the characteristic peculiarities of each of^the different authors, 
by close observation of their style in the Greek fragments of them 
which are extant 

What Scaliger would have done, even if he had be^a obliged to 

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266 Armeman Tran$lation of Bkudnus. [July, 

learn Annenian for the purpose,^' La Croze (whom Berlin may 
reckon among her greatest philological ornaments), with his abmir 
dant philological knowledge, would have done, and the Whistons 
likewise, if a codex of the Chronicle of Eusebius had happily 
fJEillen into their hands. It is to be hoped that some philologist 
may yet perform this task (since it has not been done in either of 
the Italian publications), and accompany the work with such 
critical annotations as to bring it to perfection at once. Mean- 
while, however, it will be in any case advisable as a preliminary 
step to print the new chapters oi the first book (which are all that 
are in Question), and to jassign to those already known the place 
which tnev ought to occupy, on the one hand in EuseUus, and on 
the other m the Thesaurus of Scaliger, adding the various readings 
which result from a comparison of the two editions. This, at any 
rate, ought not to be postponed.<^ 

The historical revision of the contents will find its place more 
suitably in special histories and treatises than in a commentary ; 
for the errors are too numerous, especially in the Canon, to make 
it advisable to select it for the basis of a synchronistic historical 
survey. On the other hand, it were much to be wished that a 
work should be prepared, similar in kind to this Eusebian Canon, 
but freed frx)m its errors and of greater extent. According to 
Scaliger, too, there is still much to oe done with those portions of 
both the books which have been already long well known ; but I 
shall scarcely, if at all, touch upon this subject. The object of 
this essay is to revise the newly acquired portion, and to take ad- 
vantage of it for the elucidation and determination of historical dr- 

** Scaliger expresses great annoyance at the spiteful attacks of German scholars, 
-who charged his chronological works with incompleteness, because additional 
matter might have been coUected for them. This passage, which, proceeding 
from the pen of an extraordinary man who had sunk into peevishness and me- 
lancholy in his old age, excites our sorrow, is inserted in a note to the preface of 
the Milanese edition. It is not clear to me who were the German contemporaries 
that sinned agunst the great Scaliger, but I am firmly convinced that the German 
philologists of our day would joynilly render homage to a foreign colleague of 
such eminence, and would indeed be more ready to do so than those of any other 
nation. 

^ This has not been done, however; stiU less have any of our younger philo- 
logers, possessing the requisite learning to handle the Greek language suitably, 
been inclined to accede to my wish, and seat themselves at the feet of St. Martin. 
I shall now take charge of the publication of this work, which b so very rare in 
Germany, according to a modest plan such as circumstances render necessary. 
Syncellus ought not, strictly speaking, to be reckoned among Uie Byzantines ; but 
as the Bonn edition must not omit any work which is received into the collection, 
he must remain among them, and will appear in a greatly corrected form. Hence 
also Eusebius will be placed before him in this e(ution : with the portions which 
can be given in Greek, the text shall appear in this language ; those which have 
only been preserved in the Armenian, m the Latin transition. (Added in 1828.) 

This note refers to Niebuhr's edition of the Byzantine historians. See ' Life 
and Letters,' vol. ii. p. 372.— TV. 

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1858.] Armmim Trandatim of EnMbius. 267 

cumstances already known ; and I wish that it may Induce any of 
my philological fellow-students of ancient history to imdertake 
inquiries, which are in general far too much despised in our day, 
bat whidi cannot be neglected without essential injury. 

I grant that time and trouble are generally wasted in an 
anxious striying after nice chronolo^cal exactness ; but a toler- 
able certainty as to dates facilitates uie knowledge of history and 
roots it into the memory ; and without a vivid realization of con- 
temporary events, the hudx>ry of single States and peoples is but a 
sorry patchwoi4[. 

I. The Chronography of Eusebius has a visible similarity in 
plan to the Prcsparatio of the same author. This plan was 
certainly not divined by Scaliger, but how could he have divined 
it ? And hence he has adopted a great deal from Syncellus which 
never existed in Eusebius. He thought that this Byzantine chap- 
lain of the Patriarch had made an abstract of Eusebius, whereas 
k is dear now, that he rather followed Africanus, who evidently 
combined the Chronography and the Canon, whidi Eusebius very 
properly kept apart In this respect, the latter is greatly the su- 
perior : for the rest, the plagiarism which he has practised on 
Africanus is now more manifest than ever. 

n. The introduction is new, and so are likewise about dxteen 
or eighteen of the forty-eight chapters. Some of these are very 
brief and insignificant Two chapters have been increased by very 
weighty, several by unimportant additions. The rest had been 
alr^idy pubUshed by Scaliger, partly from Casaubon's Excerpts, 
partly fron Syncellus, partly frx>m woncs which have come down to 
us complete, such as the earlier books of Dionysius of Halicamas- 
sus ana Josephus. 

One of the new chapters, the forty-first, g^ves a statement of 
the writings from which the excerpts of the Chronography are 
taken. It must be allowed that from several of them no extracts 
occur ; and it is very doubtful whether Eusebius did not in figujt 
copy tins list firom Africanus, the extracts from whom are too nu- 
merous to leave it probable that fragments from the authors named 
were inserted in the lost portion of the book, which contained the 
Roman history. This conjecture may appear uncharitable, and 
yet I fear that it is correct, for the last portion of the Roman his- 
tory related to the times of the Emperors, to which the work of 
ThaHus did not come down, unless the number of Olympiads which 
it embraced is incorrectly specified. And what would there have 
been to collect from several of these writers respecting such a well- 
attested succession of events ? 

Two of the principal works, Berosus, and the Chronide of 
ApoUodorus, were only accessible to the Christian chronogra- 

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868 Armenim TranOetim of JEu^ebim. {July; 

phers through Alexander Polyhistor. As regards the first, it is 
more than probable that neither Tatianus nor Theophilus, nor 
even Clemens had consulted him directly, espedaUy as it is always 
the history of Nebuchadnezzar for which they cite him, which tiiey 
could have ^t from Josephus contra Apionem, without even haying 
recourse to rolyhistor. 

. The authors and works stated to have been used are as follows : 
Alexander Polyhistor ; — ^Abydenus,* author of a history of Assyria 
and Media, whose dubious name and imoertain date are not deter- 
mined more precisely ; he does not appear to me at all ancient, 
and his lonism, whicn is conspicuous in the fragmaot quoted by 
Syncellus, is probably a mere affectation, like that of many othas, 
and of the author named immediately after him, Cephalion ; ' — Ma- 
netho's three books of Egyptian Antiquities (the title is the same 
in both the translations); — Cephalion s Muses, nine books (reject- 
ing him see Scaliger's Thesaurua Temp. p. 416) ;« — Diodorus lorty 
books of the Kbliotheca ; — Cassius Longinus, who treated of a 
period embracing 228 Olympiads in eighteen books ;^ — the fourteen 
IxK)ks of Phlegon, the freedman of Hadrian, compriiung 229 CMym- 
piads; Suidas agrees in respect to the interval, but gives the 
number of books as sixteen ; — Castor's work, which comprehended 
in six books the period from Ninus to the ISlst Olympad, or, 
more probably, according to two other passages where (^istor's own 
words have been preserved (29 and 48) only to Olymp. 179, 3 
=(accordiiig to Cato) a. u. c. 691, the Archonsnip of Theophemus. 
Neither the number nor the period comprised in the books of 
.Castor (no doubt the 'xj^onxi dyywiiJLara) had been known up to 
this time. Both were also unknown with regard to the work of 
Thallus. Eusebius tells us that it contained m three books the 
time from the conquest of Troy to Olymp. 167 (641 a. u. c), and 
as this Olympiad coinddes with no historical epoch in any country, 
we may infer from it the age in which the author lived. The titile of 
the book was also unknown ; and how it ran in Greek we can hardly 
ascertain with precision from the Latin translation of the Armenian 

Abydenns or Abydinus? May not a Semitic name be concealed here which 
- IHu 



began with Abd or Bbed ? Ebed Htnnah would be very conceivable ; and the i 

may, I think, be called unheard of as a Greek appeUation ; for Lakedamonios of 
Athens is scarcely in point 

^ Physicians wrote m Ionic, because the writings of Hippocrates were eomposed 
in that dialect; it was chosen by historians of the early periods of Upper A«a to 
remind their readers of Herodotus and Ctesias. 

s Photius calls him Cephalseon ; in Scaliger^s ' Excerpts * his name is written 
Cephallion, which brings us to the same orUiography again. 

^ This work is, I think, never mentioned anvwhere else ; it is scarcely likdy 
that its author can have been any other than the tutor of Porphyrins (Suidas, 
«. V.) ; only it seems strange that he should have broken off such a work a hundred 
years before his own time. 

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J858.] Armeniofa TrcmslaHon of Misebius. 269 

♦< menwriarum libriy May it be an awkward rendering of v«o/a>i1- 
imra, ? Similar instances are by no means rare. Lastly, it was 
equally unknown that the chronographical work of the philosopher 
Porphyrius, from which the most important chapters are taken, 
likewise set out from the Trojan age, and had been brou^t down 
to the reign of the Emperor CHaudius (that is, the Gothic Claudius, 
not die son of Drusus), with whose reign the History of Dexippus 
likewise concluded. 

-III. The incapacity and indedsion of the Greek authors, who, 
during the period when their nation and literature had simk to 
the lowest point, treated in universal histories of the primitive 
empires of Central Asia, particularly the thoroughly unintel- 
lectual Diodorus, has piost unjustifiably caused us irretrievable 
injury. Under the Macedonian dynasties, not a few Asiatics 
wrote the history of their father-land in the Greek tongue, as Jo- 
aephus did tiiat of his nation in a later age ; and while we have 
ncright in general to assume that they neglected their native 
chronicles and historical monuments, which ascended far beyond 
the time of the Greek myths and traditions, and invented fables 
in thar stead, we have also an irrefragable proof of the trusts 
worthiness of Berosus and the Phenician histonans, in the perfect 
harmony with the Old Testament, of the only accounts preserved 
from them, relating to events mentioned likewise in the nistorical 
books of the latter. But instead of deriving his materials from such 
books, IXodorus has built upon Ctesias^ and other Greeks like 
him ; and as later authors came to the same unhappy decision, 
particularly Africanus and Eusebius, no doubt mainly on account 
of the assumed synchronism of Ninus and Abraham, it has come 
to be a settled point in the Chronologies that the Assyrian mon- 
archy lasted loOO years and more ; the contradictory statements 
scattered through the profane authors are little regarded, and it 
has been attempted to reconcile their inconsistency with the au- 
thentic Hebrew nistory, by inventing hypotheses. 

It is, therefOTe, a remarkably interesting fact, that in two of the 
new chapters, the 4th and 5th, of which only a very small por- 
tion has been incorporated by Syncellus, and that so confusedly as 
to be useless, we obtain throuffh Alexander Polyhistor some idea 
at least of Berosus' account oi the history of the Babylonian and 
Assyrian eras. 

For my own part, I regard his account, however remote may be 
the periods on which he dwells, as truly historical, where he ceases 
to nx the dates according to astrononucal periods ; and worthy to 
be conffidered as the positive and original history of those primitive 
nations. Those who may judge differently will not, at all events, 
dispute that it is a valuable thing to be acquainted to some extent 

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270 Armenian Translation of JBudebiua. [July, 

with the native accounts ; and that these desarve more attention 
than those of the less pains-taking Greeks, among whom Herodo* 
tus alone forms an exception. 

Nay, even their histories of the earliest periods of the world, — 
in which we find an attempt, common to very different nations of 
antiquity, to represent the idea of past ages of the world in astro- 
nomical periods, each of which is divided among a number of 
kings, — ^by no means deserve to be passed over with contempt ; 
l^ir notions on these subjects are a very important relic of the 
sacred literature of these nations. 

Alexander quotes the following statement from Berosus : after 
the Rood, Euexius reigned over Babylon four Neri (2400 years) ; 
he was succeeded by his son Chomasbdius, who reigned four Neri 
and five Sosi (2700 years).^ We find the duration of human life 
comparatively much more shortened after the Deluffe, in the Baby- 
lonian writers, than even in Gene^ ; and if the list of Borosus, 
who mentions these and all the following kings by name, had been 
preserved, with the number of years that each reigned, we should 
probably see them dwindle rapidly to the age of the present race 
of mankind. For 86 kings are reckoned in the first dynasty, to 
which a duration of 34,080 ^ years is ascribed, of wuich, how- 
ever, nearly a sixth part belongs to the two first, of whom alone 
the name and time have been preserved in £usebius.°^ 

At the end of this period, the Medians conquered Babylon, 
and eight Median tyrants ruled for 224 years as the second dy- 
nasty. 

' The Babylonian chronology occurs so seldom that it will not be superfluous to 
remark that a Sosus contains 60 jears; a Nems 10 Sosi, or 600 years; a Sams 
6 Neri, or 3600 years; and that the Chaldeans ascribed a duration of 120 Sari» or 
432,000 years, to the world before the Flood of Xisuthrus. 

^ This is the calculation given us by Syncellus, and the correctness of his text 
is evinced by his adding, they made 9 Sari, 2 Neri, 8 Sosi. The Armenian 
transUtion has 33,091 years, a number which is at once seen to be inadmissible. 



were it only by the fact that, while relating to a mythical age, it cannot be 
distributed into cyclical periods. It is evident that here, also, the Byzantine 
Syncellus availed himself of the much more copious account of AfHcanus. It is 



possible that Eusebius may have understood the sum of the cycles as referring^ to 
the whole period before the Assyrians, and subtracted from it the collective 
duration of the four following dynasties, which cannot be securely ascertained on 
account of the corruptness of vie text. 

"* This period corresponds to that of the patriarchs after the Flood in Genesis, 
as that from Alorus to Xisuthrus does to the age fh>m Adam to Noah. In another 
passage in Syncellus, Euexius and Chomasoelus occur with very short reigns 
(6 and 7 years), and only five successors ; they occur immediately before the 
Arabian dynasty (p. 90, and in Scaliger, p. 14). The text of Syncellus is, however, 
inadmissible, whether through the errors of the copyist or his own &ult, we do 
not know ; and instead of dxh 54 roiurov rov xp^f^ou r&y tts Z^^trtpw fi^w XaX8a/«r 
fiaaiAtvp XmpJifffifriXov ir^ 9k M^«y ZtfpSarr^tv ical, &c., we must read : Mr^pow 
flip (namely 0ffioun\€VK4vai) Xa\$aW fiaai\4a XuftAfffiriKoVf %lf 8^ M^8a»v, ttith 8^ 
ToiJrou rod ^p6vov Zup6a<rrpiv icalf &c. *AirA to^ow, instead of ^er^ toDto, is very 
common wiUi Syncellus. 



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1853.] Armmicm TrcmBlation of Dusebius. 271 

These are followed by the third d3niasty of eleven kings, of 
whom it is not specified whether they were native or foreign. The 
number of their years is left open in the text, but added in the 
margin bv the emendator, — who has in other places often availed 
hiiiiself of a better ms. — without doubt incorrectly, as 48 years. 

The fourth dynasty of 49 Chaldean kings lasted 458 years. 

To it succeeded the fifth, of 9 Arabian kings, who governed the 
em^mre for 245 vears. 

This extremely important pass^e has been misunderstood and 
abbreviated, if not falsified, by Syncellus (p. 78). He likewise 
reckons, in the first place, 86 kings (those of the first mythical 
dynasty) ; but instead of regarding them as native, calls them 
(Chaldeans and Medes ; namely, the two first, Euexius and Cho- 
masbelus, Chaldeans, the remaining 84, Medes. After the £all of 
this dynasty, he says, Berosus no longer reckons hj Sari, Neri, 
and Sosi, but by solar years ; and the next series of kmgs is Chal- 
dean, under Zoroaster and seven successors, who reigned 190 
years. But who can doubt that this Zoroaster is no other than 
the founder of the Ma^an religion, therefore a Mede, and this 
dynasty, the second (M^an) dynasty of Berosus, with which also 
the number of the eight kings agrees ? Syncellus omits the third 
and fourth dynasties, and speaks of the Median as immediately 
followed by the Arabian (the fifth), to which he ascribes 215 
years, instead of the 245 of the Armenian translation; and 
no doubt his reading deserves the preference, as the individual 
kings, and the years that each reigned, are reckoned up in another 
passage of hia book, and the same number of years results as the 
sum. 

After these five dynasties that reigned over Babylon, 45 As- 
syrian kings, whose empire lasted 520 years, are mentioned as the 
sixth, and, like the Medes and Arabians who preceded them, as 
conquerors of Chaldea. Alexander, following Berosus, had also 
specified these by name, and among them spoken of Semiramis. 
Now could a doubt have arisen whether he also, in agreement with 
the universal tradition, mentioned Ninus as the conqueror of Ba- 
bylon, the mention of the Assyrian queen would, 1 think, be a 
sufiicient proof that, according to him, the empire of Nineveh was 
much younger than that of Babel. So too, Syncellus, in the 
Tables of me Babylonian history, states that 41 Assyrian kings 
succeeded to the Arabians, and in fact places the King of kin^ at 
Nineveh itself from Belus to Concolerus fexc. Scalig. p. 14, B.) ; 
unmindful, it must be confessed, how many ne has specified by name 
in the table of this dynasty, and how many centuries he has rec- 
koned for their monarchy. He does not, however, appeal to 
Polyhistor as his authority, but to Castor, CephalaBon, Thallus, 

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272 Armenian Tr(mdation of EuMbim. [July, 

Polybius and Diodorus ; references which the less merit our coofi- 
dence, as Diodorus says nothing at all of the kind. 

The question now arises, whether the duration of this Assy- 
rian sovereignty oyer Babylon is to be understood as extend- 
ing up to t£e destruction of Nineveh, or up to the restoratioii 
of a Babylonian State, which subsisted, sometimes independent 
of the Assyrian kings, sometimes tributary to them, with veiy 
chequered fortunes, until Nabopolassar founded tiie migfa^ 
Babylonian empire? On this pK)int the excerpts in Eusebius 
leave us in the greatest uncertainty ; and at tne first moment 
their silence would lead us to infer that Alexander had reckoned 
the duration of the empire of Ninus up to its destruction under 
Sardanapalus, particularly as he afterwards mentions Sennacherib 
and his successors, with the nmnber of years they reigned. But 1 
believe there is a much greater probability for the second opinion. 

In the first place, these excerpts have been so carelessly made, 
that the mere fact of their silence on any point proves scarcely 
an^hing. But, on the other hand, it deserves our attention when 
it IS said that Pul reigned after those Assyrian kings. And is it 
conceivable that Berosus should not have begun a native dynasty 
with Nabonassar, from whose era, and with the beginning of 
whose reign, as Vossius has shown with great acuteness, his own 
annals date their commencement? Is it possible that the Babylo- 
nian should have passed over the native kings, who reigned at 
Babel, if not uninterruptedly, yet before the time of Nabopolassar, 
and merely recounted the Assyrians, wlio, by no means steadily, 
maintained their supremacy ? 

While, simply on these grounds, the conjecture gains probability 
that a dynasty has been omitted through the &ult of the EuselHan 
excerpts, a comparison with the chronology of Herodotus esta- 
blishes the fact that it can be no other than that of Nabonassar 
and his successors, and that it must have lasted 103 years up to the 
first year of Nabopolassar, as it is stated in the Canon of Syncellus.* 

For as Berosus reckons 526 years for the duration of the Assy- 
rian dominion over Babylon, so does Herodotus reckon 520 years 
(i. 95) for the duration of that monarchy, until the nations of 
iJpper Asia shook off the yoke of this, still in other respects, 
powerful kingdom (i. 102). The difference here between a round 

" Niebuhr appears sabsequently to have wavered between the version of Sjn* 
cellus adopted in the text, and that which places the first year of Nabopolassar in 
the 123rd year of the Nabonassarian era. In 1826, he appears to have adopted the 
latter version: in 1828, the passage of his lectures where he is treating upon this 
subject agrees with this Essay, and again, at the close of the same lecture, he 
identifies the first year of Nabopolassar with the 1 23rd of the Nabonassarian en. 
See Schmitz*s * Translation of Niebuhr's Lectures on Ancient History,* toI. I 
pp. 28, 39 ; or the original, * Vorlesimgen aber Alte Oeschichtr* vol. i., p. S4,note.—Tr. 

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1853.] Armenian Trcmilaticn of Utisebius. . 27S 

and a more exact number is quite unimportant, while the agreement 
clearly proves that Herodotus had collected his historical mate-* 
rials respecting those States at Babylon itself. I have attempted, 
in another treatise, to discover the map of the world on which the 
separate geographical statements of Herodotus are based ; in a 
similar way he arranged his ideas of history according to a chrono- 
logical survey with which he makes his separate statements agree. 
He says in a well-known passage (ii. 145), that irom Heracles 
up to his own tunes, about 900 years had elapsed. On what 
does he base this calculation ? Not upon the genealogical register 
of the Spartan kings, for in this, only 21 ^nerations were reck- 
oned since Herades, consequendjjr, according to his own rule, 
700 years. But with him the families of the Grecian heroes are 
not tne only Heraclid^ ; he reffards the kines of the Assyrians 
and the elder dynasty of the Lydians (i. 7) also as such ; for we 
cannot suppose Belus and Ninus, the grandfather and father of 
Agron, to be different personals from me Assyrian kings of the 
same name. Such a genealogical table only indicates, that this 
dynasty in Lydia had come from Assyria. 

Now these Heraclidae reigned in Lydia 505 years ; after them, 
the Mermnadae — ^up to Olymp. 58, 1, — 170 years ; from this date 
to the 90th Olympiad, which may stand for about the date which. 
Herodotus assumes, as that of the present time in his history ,<^ are 
128 years, and three generations between Heracles and Agron 
are 100 years ; in all 903 years. 

A similar result must be obtained for the Assyrian history by a 
computation of its periods : 

Two generations between Heracles and Ninus . . 66 years. 
Dominion of the Assyrians over Upper Asia . . 520 
Interval of the independence of the Medes without 

kings undecided. 

Four Median kings (i. 130'') 150 

From Cyrus to the conquest of Babylon . . . • 20 
From Olymp. 60, 1, to 90, 1 120 

Total number of years from Heracles to Herodotus, 

not including the anarchy in Media .... 876 years. 

** I adopt this date, and not Olymp. S4. 1, irhen Herodotus is said to have 
pobliely read his work. If this account be not altogether groundless, it can only 
refer to a first recension of the work ; for the express mention of incidents oceur- 
ring in the first years of the Peloponnerian war, and very intelligible allusions to 
the sentiments with which Athens was reprded by the ungrateful Greeks, hay* 
been written much later. Further, the circumstance of two' recendons is indi- 
cated by the yarious readings of the commencem<^ where Aristotle reads 'HpoHSrov 
ro¥ SovpUvy whUe all our mss. read 'Hp. rov 'AAucopn^ff^f . 

P The passage in Herodotus (i. 130), dp^mrrts rUs Ki^w — *Affhi$ ht^ irnt r^tiitorra 
Ko) kmwrhf Zv^ Uorra, wapk^ % Icotf 0I ^6$€u ipxtn^^liM yery great difficulties. 

Digitized by VJV/ v./ VI V. 



274 Armenian Translation of IhisebiuB, [July, 

According to this, out of the 900 years, 24 would be left for 
the duration of this interr^num. 

But, from Ninus to the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus, are 690 
years, without determining the duration of the Median anarchy. 

If, however, to the 526 years of the Niniads as pven in Be- 
rosus, we add 103 Nabonassarian years before Nabopolassar, 
and 87 *i from the bepnning of his reign to the conquest of Baby- 
lon, we obtain 716 years for the same period, but including the 
anarchy, the duration of which would thus have to be reckoned as 
26 years. And this agrees, within two years, with the calculation 
given above for the 900 years since Heracles. It seems, too, that 

and has given rise to very various explanations by Conring, Hardain, President 
Bouhier and Valckenaer, which may be found in Wesseling's edition of Herodotus 
(ad loc.). For, according to the text of all the Mss., the sum of the vears of the 
K>ur Median kings amounts to 150, and moreover, two passages found in all the 
Mss. of both recensions, likewise agree in giving 28 years as the period of the 
Scythian rule. Valckenaer's explanation appears to us the least successftil of all 
(I hope this expression wiU not be understood as detracting from my reverence for 
this excellent man) : his opinion, that the 28 years of the Scythians were not 
included in the 40 years of Cyaxares, is evidently contrary to the sense of Hero- 
dotus; and although he is right when he says that under Deioces the Medes 
certainly did not as yet rule over Upper Asia, yet the arbitrary manner in which 
he places the commencement of their rule in the second year of Phraortes, in order 
to bring out the 100 years, is quite indefensible. Who can persuade himself that 
Herodotus would express himself in this manner, when he wanted to say that 
the Medes reigned a hundred years 9 Where has he ever expressed himself so 
strangely ? I believe, with Conring, who had great penetration and a sound and 
independent judgment, that, if the passage be tmcormpted^ the 28 years must be 
added to the 128 ; and that we have no right whatever to object, that Deioces did 
not as yet reign over tributary peoples. Whereabouts should we have to fix the 
epoch at which this suprenmcy over Asia began ? Is it possible to find the year 
in which it took place ? It may be confidently asserted that the Median sway 
did not extend to the Halys before the conquest of Nineveh. Now whether we, 
with Conring, assume 156 years, or take the 150 years of the four kings, it comes 
to the same thing, and the difference of these 6 years is only so much added to the 
anarchy of the Medes. The essential point, and a very essential point, is that 
the account of Herodotus should be confirmed by its harmony with the Babylonian, 
and that the accounts at variance with these should be entirely upset as fabulous, 
and the precision and accuracy of Herodotus vindicated. I however regard the 
passage as corrupt, of which tiie very numbers 28 and 128 (the latter of which 
cannot be brouffht into connection with any other event) excite great suspicion ; 
and I believe tnat the passu^ ought to oe restored and transposed as follows : 
ip^am-tsTTif — eLvof 'Afftris ^ir* Jrta irtpriiKovra Kcii kxarhp^ *'<ip^( ^ ^o*' ol 'XkvOcu 
lipxovt rpvfiKoyraBv^y fiiorro. I have adopted this calculation above : perhaps some 
day an editor will have courage enough to adopt the emendation into the text. 

^ Namely, Josephus contra Ap., i. p. 1045, D. ed. Aur. All. 1611, the Greek 
text and an old translation (in which book the same passage of Berosus has been 
made use of respecting the successors of Nebuchadnezzar, which Polyhistor has 
extracted, which Africanus has copied or abridge from the latter, and which, 
finally, Eusebius has so hastily epitomized fW>m Africanus), allows only two years 
to the ^vemment of Ejvil-merodach : but the Armenian Eusebius (v. S) assigns 
12 to his reign. In the astronomical Canon in Syncellus, likewise, we find two 
years assigned to him, and there is all the more reason to accept this nimiber, as 
Eusebius takes great pains to bring the Babylonian and his own chronology into 
harmony with each other by a calculation which is altogether very forced. 



Dtgitized by V^V/VJ' 



gle 



1853.] Armeman Translation cf Misebius, 275- 

we must also assume a short interval — about the length of a 
generation,^ — for the interregnum in Media.' 

It is a pity that the ^ears of the third dynasty are specified only 
in a margmal emendation, which is in itself more than suspicious, 
and that the reading is not quite certain respecting the finh ; for 
else we should be able to ascend to the close of the second my- 
thical period of the Babylonian history with chronological precision. 
As it is, the nmnber of 1889 years, from the conquest of Babylon 
l^ Alexander (in the year 413 after Nabonassar) back to the 
beginning of the second (Median) dynasty, cannot be received as 
accurate ; meanwhile, it approximates within a small number of 
years to that which Callisthenes gives as the age of some ascer- 
tained astronomical observations of the Chaldeans, previous to the 
time of Alexander. It is merely an hypothesis, but the example 
of the era of Nabonassar ^ves it probaoility, that the beginning 
of this list of observations was the first year of an era, in the 
1905th year of which, Babylon was taken by Alexander. If this 
hypothesis be admissible, this sum will have to be adopted instead 
of that of 1889 years. Zoroaster might ^ve the occasion to such 
an era as being the founder of a Median dynasty,' whose kings, 
moreover, mi^t very well be called tyrants if they introduced 
the religion of the Magians. 

With regard to oriental countries, we are not only justified in 
assuming the existence of tabular Hsts of the rulers, and annals, 
which were a collection of notes to these, but also, at least with 
respect to the Chaldeans, in confidently maintaining their credi- 
bihty, on account of the astronomical observations which rendered 
an accurate determination of time necessary. Such observations 
as those which Callisthenes procured are not conceivable without 
chronological tables, and hsts of the kings and the length of their 
reigns. Impossible as it was really to preserve the history of the 
free nations of the West by tradition, before the commencement of 
contemporary history, which was of late origin (though even here, 
dates given as those of the foundation of cities are credible) ; with 
r^ard to the East, there is absolutely no valid ground to dispute 
the application of the art of writing, which existed there from 
very remote ages, to the recording of the simple changes that 

' Compare Schmitx's * Tr. of Lect. on Anc. Hist./ vol. i., p. 85, note (in the 
original, toI. i. p. 43). — Tr, 

* The age of Uie Mafian Zoroaster is perfectly mythical, and the widely differing 
statements respecting it are not of a nature to be cleared np by discussion. Be- 
garded as the rounder of the Magjan religion, we must refer him to a yery remote 
antiquity, and the most untenable opinion of all is undoubtedly that whidi places 
him after Cyrus, because Hystaspes is to be accounted the son of Darius Hystaspis. 
Since the Magians were a Median race, it is a yery suitable way of denoting the 
Median conquest to call him the first Median king of Babylon, as Syncellus round 
it stated in Africanus, and the latter therefore had no doubt found it in Polyhistor. 

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376 Armenian Trandaiimi of JEumbius. I^uly* 

occur in great despotic empires* Thus, since we have recoyered 
the testimony of a Babylonian scholar, I hold it as not less histo- 
rical than the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, or the 
taking of Rome by the Gauls, that, about 1900 years before 
Alexander, the Medes conquered Babylon, and that the Ara- 
bians possessed a mighty kingdom before the Assyrians. For that 
the Arabians should have b^n subject to the Assyrians for many 
centuries afterwards, and then again obtained the ascendancy, is a 
vicissitude by no means rare, especially in Asia. The ^vemment 
of Persia by the Sassanids, and the history of Russia after the 
fall of the Mongolian empire, are cases in point. Meanwhile, 
that empire which was overthrown by the Medes, and for which 
Berosus has ^ven mythical periods, we may call the empire of 
Nimrod. The book of Genesis also recognizes in Babel an older 
emmre, from which Assur proceeds. 

The later Assyrian kings, and some Babylonian monarchs contem- 
porary with them, are mentioned by Eusebius, only because he found 
Sennacherib and Merodach-Baladan nam^ in Polyhistor. 'In- 
different to the history of these realms on their own account, the 
excerpt whidi he has inserted in the 5th chapter, is, from the very 
beginning, fragmentarv and unintelligible.^ The Armenian trans- 
lator has ^ven a conmsed and doubtful rendering of what he did 
not understand. It seems to result from the passage, that a bro- 
ther of Sennacherib, placed on the throne either by him or their 
father, had been Ung of Babylon ; and that this brother mi^ht 
even be the Ha^sa whom Merodach-Baladan slew after a reign 
of thirty days. The embassy of Merodach-Baladan to Hezekiah 
(2 Kinffs XX. 12 ; Isa. xxxix. 1) exhibits him as an enemy of the 
king of Nineveh ; and certainly he who had slain Sennacherib's 
brother would be much more so, than he who had killed a native 
usurper of the throne of the latter.^ Merodach-Baladan was 

' The pftMage reads thus in the Milanese translation: Postqnam regno de- 
fnnctos est Senecheribi frater, et post Ha^isae in Babylonios dominationem, qui 
qnidem nondum impleto trigesimo imperii die a Manidacho Baldane interemptns 
est, Mamdachns ipse Baldanes tyrannidem invasit.' In the Venetian as follows : 
' Postquam regnasset firater Senecbaribi, et deinde postqoam Aoises in Babyloniot 
dominatos esset, et neodum triginta qnidem diebus r^gnum tenuisset, a Marodach 
Baladano occisns est.' 

In the ninth chapter is preserved an excerjjt from Abydenus, likewise hitherto 
unknown, respecting the history of Sennacherib and the latest Assyrian kings of 
Nineveh, which throws light upon some points in the portion taken from Polv- 
histor that have been miserably distorted ; but in general this excerpt, like all the 
fragments of this author, can sustain no comparison with the portions which 
Polyhistor has borrowed from Berosus. 

™ In the passage of the history of Hesekiah, which has been doubly preserved 
id in the i 



in Isaiah and in the second book of Kings, accordinff to the order of the narrative, 
Sennacherib's death isplaced before the sickness of Hesekiah and the embassy of 
Merodach-Baladan. The account of Berosus shows that no exact chronolo|^cal 

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1^3.] Armenian Trandatim of Eusebius. 277 

ftaawanated, after a reign of only ax months, b^ an insurgent of 
the name of Elibus, in the third year of whose reign, Sennacherib 
went ap against Babylon with the Assyrian army, defeated the 
Babylonians, took their king captive, carried him away to Assyria 
with his family, and appointed his own son, Esar-haddon (Asor- 
danes^ king over Babel. On his return to Nineveh, he learnt 
that tne Greeks had made an incursion into CiHcia '^ he contended 
with them and gained the victory, but with great loss to his own 
troops. In commemoration, he caused his statue to be erected 
there, and the memorial of his deeds to be engraven on it in Chal* 
dean characters.^ At this time he built Tarsus after the model 
of Babel,y and called the city Tharsin. After Sennacherib had 
reigned eighteen years over tiie Assyrians, he was slain by the 
treadieiy of his son, Ardumuzanes,* and Ins son became king in 
his stead. The latter is not named in the excerpt ; but we Imow 
from the Bible that he was the same Esar-haddon who has been 
mentioned before as the prince set over Babel. Polyhistor had 
written still more about Sennacherib, which Eusebius has unfortu- 
nately omitted as superfluous ; meanwhile, what he has retained is. 
very important, and worthy of serious reflection. A Greek expe- 
dition to Cilida, in which Greeks fought against the great king of 
Nineveh, is an occurrence of which no history hitherto known to 
us gives the slightest hint. The state of Greece, at that time 
(about the 20th Olympiad), forbids the idea of a combined under- 
taking, such as the Trojan war is represented to have been ; yet it 
were not allowable to reject the statement as an eastern fable ; for 
it cannot be too often repeated, that, for long previous to the age 
we are considering, our knowledge of oriental afiairs is based on 
the authority of contemporary annals. If we should imagine the 
Aflsyrians to have confounded some other western nation with the 
Greeks, this could be none but the Lydians, and that these should 
have spread so far to the east in the time of Gyges, contradicts 

arranffement is intended here, but merdy the representation of how Sennacherib 
himself fell after he had been diastised for his arrogance by the defeat of his 
army. 

^ According to Abydenus (c. 9), a Greek fleet had appeared there, which he de- 
feated and scattered. 

* According to the same author (c. 9), he erected several brazen statues, and 
built the temple of the Athenians, The last word has evidently been written by 
the Armenian translator by mistake, instead of Athene, 

^ That is. on both shores of the Cydnus, as Babylon was built on both shores of 
the Euphrates. 

' As we know from the Bible, by his sons Adramelech and Sharezer. 
Ab^denus also mentions the former as a parricide under the name of Adameles, 
which we cannot fail to recognize, but calls his father Nergilus, the successor of 
Sennacherib. This Nergilus we must reject on the concurrent testimony of the 
Old Testament and Berosus. No doubt, Esar-haddon came from Babylon to 
revenge the death of his father. 

VOL. IV. — NO. VIII. U 

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278 Armeman Tran$lation of Husebiui. [July, 

all that Herodotus says of the slow extension of their dominion in 
the neighbourhood of Sardis. But, in my o{union, the legends of 
Greek settlements in Cilida are not to be altogether rejected, eyen 
if we cannot pcnnt to any g^iuine Greek city on that coast ; and 
as, in after times, snuul bands of well-triuned and well«anned 
Greeks waged war with countless Asiatic hosts, it is perfectly con- 
ceiyable tlutt the attempt of Greek colonists to effect a settlement 
there, may only have been frustrated, by bringing a powerful army 
into the field, and with great loss on the part of uie Assyrian king. 
Further, the image of Sennacherib is, without doubt, the same 
which the companions of Alexander saw at Anchiale, with an 
Assyrian inscription on it, and ascribed to Sardanapalus as the 
founder of Tarsus and Anchiale.^ The testimony of the Chaldean, 
that Sennacherib was the Assyrian king who founded Tarsus, is 
certainly to be accented. 

Eusemus has omitted what Polyhistor relates of Esar-haddon ;^ 
but, in the 9th chapter, some particulars respecting him have been 

1)re0eryed from Abydenus. He is stated to haye been Adramme- 
ech's brother, but not by the same motiier ; to haye subjugated 
Egypt and the interior of Syria, and to haye marched wim an 
army of merc«[iaries through Anterior-Asia as &r as Byzantium. 
That the story of the conquest of Egypt is false, is evident from 
tiie concurrent accounts of Herodotus and the Bible. Perhaps^ 
however, it was he who led Manasseh captive to Babylon ; and tne 
expedition to Asia might probably have been occasioned hj an 
irruption of the devastating hordes of the Treres or Cimmerians. 
For it is true that Herodotus places the taking of Sardis under 
Ardys, the successor of Gyges, and contemporary of Esar-haddon ; 
but the Treres have repeatedly made incursions into Anterior- Asia, 
and ravaged the country.*^ It is very singular, that Abydenus 
mentions Pythagoras as haying served in this army of merce- 
naries ; and Polyhistor also speaks of him as a contemporary of 
the Assyrian king ; still here also he has probably followed Be- 
rosus. This account, which would carry his age back to the 20th 
Olympiad, and place him 120 years earlier than the opinion 
adopted by the later Greeks,"^ womd have been very acceptable to 
those Roman annalists who made him the teacher of Noma, but 
could not defend themselves from a chronological reftitation. 



* On tbis point see Nake's ' Choerilus/ p. 198. It is cheering to be able to 
refer the reader to a book like this. 

*> In the exoerpt from Polyhistor the name is entirely wanting. Ahydenns 
(c. 9) calls him Axerdis. 

c Strabo, i. p. 61,d. 

*i Dionysios, ii. p. 121 a. The difference woold be stiU greater, according to 
others, who placed his age after the 60th Olympiad. Sylburg. ad loc. 



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1853.] Armmixm Tramlaticn cf EusebkM. 279 

EBar-haddon reigned 8 years. He was followed by Samughes, 
who reigned 21 years ; and the latter was sacceeded hyhis brother 
Sardanapalus, wno mgned an equal length of time.* This prince, 
on learning that a great host of mixed race was coming up against 
him firom the sea, appointed Nabopolassar to be viceroy over 
Babylonia. But Nabopolassar sent an embassy to Asdahages the 
Mede, to conclude an alliance with him, and to ask his daughter 
Amuhia ia marriage for his son Nabuchodrossor,' after which he 
turned his arms against Nineveh, and besieged the city ; and the 
king burnt himself and his whole household. 

The nation that threatened the Assyrians was probably the Scy- 
thians, whose irruption into Aaa Herodotus places under the same 
Median king who took and destroyed Nineveh. Tliat Nebuchad- 
nezzar was the Babylonian king who, to delight his consort by an 
image of the Median mountains, laid out gardens over vaults,^ 
was known from Berosus, as quoted by Josephus ; it might long 
ago have been inferred that she was the Median princess whom 
S^ncellus calls Aroite ; the name now made known to us, Amuhia, 
is more authentic. 

Respecting the successors of Nebuchadnezzar, history gains no- 
Uiing from the Armenian Eusebius, as the extract from Berosus in 
Josephus contra Ap. is probably fiiller than that which Polyhistor 
may have borrowed from him.^ 

• The name of the brother and successor of Samughes is not found in the 
excerpt from Polyhistor, r>, § 2, but fVom { 3. it is clear that it was Sardanapalus. 
In the excerpt nrom Abydenus (9, § l.\ Sardanapalus is the successor of Esar- 
haddon, and Saracus the last king of Nineveh ; this statement can scarcely be 
ascribed to anything but an error of the translation. The story of the defection 
of Nabopolassar (in 5) is quite unintelligible and absurd ; one would have ex- 
pected that the editors would have adduced the unambiguous explanation of it 
rrom Abydenus 9. 

' His name is not only constantly thus written in the Armenian translation, 
with a very few exceptions, where the Auniliar Biblical appellation has fallen 
accidentally firom the pen of the copyist, but also in the fragment of Aby- 
denus in the Proeparaiio JCvftngelica, The roots from which it is formed appear 
also in the name Lab-rossoar-chod, the son of Neriglissor. According to a very 
remarkable notice, given hj the Milanese editors from. Moses of Chorene, who 
cites Armenian songs for it, Asdahag may probably have been the name of an 
ancient Median dynasty : but also in the name Cyaxares (this Median king is 
nnqaestionably referred to), Kei-axar and Asdahag are identical, like 'Apro^^r 
and Arthachsastha. 

s Diodorus (ii. 10) calls this queen the Persian concubine of an Assyrian king. 

*» It will be permitted me to occupy the space of a note with some remarks 
which I grant overstep the limits of my subject — the newly -published notices — 
respecting a history which, in Our days, is so little the subject of investigation, 
and which I shall never treat of in a separate work. Since Shalmanezer took 
Samaria in the sixth year of Hezekiah, but it was in the fourteenth year of this 
king that Sennachenb went up against Jerusalem, it is certain that Sennacherib 
had ascended the throne of his father in the interval. Hezekiah reigned 29 
years — ^Sennacherib 18; the death of both will therefore fall about the same 
time. If we reckon up the years of the five successors of Hezekiah, and 

U 2 



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280 Armeman Translatian of Misebius. [July, 

Nabopolassar's reyolt from Nineveh occurs in Olymp. 38, con- 
sequently the overthrow of the d^ and the empire took place at 
that time. But, from the fall of Sardanapalus to the fiftn CHym- 
piad, Abydenus reckoned 67 years (c. 12), Cephalseon 40 (c 15) ; 
the former, therefore, 219, and the latter 192 years too mudu 
Both followed Ctesias, or some other Greek unworthy of any re- 
gard, both in the too small number of the Assyrian kings, and 
in the immense exaggeration of the duration of their monarchy; 
it is certain that Castor also has frJlen into the latter error. Ahj- 
denus, who derived his information respecting Nebuchadnezzir 
from Megasthenes, has probably never had direct recourse to 
Berosus. This whole dass of notices respecting the Assyriao 
archaeology is altogether to be rejected ; to attempt to reconcile 
them wiw the authentic oriental accounts would be alaboiioDS 
folly, only productive of error and endless hypotheses. 

Meanwhile, I mention the mythical genealogy of Ninus found in 
Abydenus (vide <mU\ because it may have been derived indirectly 
irom native sources: Belus, Babius,Anebus,Arbelus,Chaalus, Ninus. 
In the interpretation of the Chaldean cosmogony and archaeologyi 
we must ffuard against a confusion of Bel, the organizer of ue 
world, with Belus, the mythical founder of the empire of Assur. 

add to them the 37 ^ears of the captivity of Jehoiakin, we find that, according to 
the Dumben giyen in oor Biblical text, which even Joeepbos had in his haods, 
about 137 yean elapsed between the death of Heaekiah and the first jetf of 
Evil-Merodach. But, accordinf to Berosus, only 113 had elapsed ftt>m the death 
of Sennacherib. Such chronological deviations were formerly always decided 
against the profime author, which is, however, a Jewish Masoretic superstition. 
It is much more probable that there is an error in the number of years anigiwd 
to Manasseh ; especially on account of the youth of his son Anunon. There is 
perhaps nothing more unexampled in Eastern history, than that a king, who came 
to the throne at twelve years of age, should attain the age of 45, before an beir 
to the crown is bom to nim. 

It is univerNtlly recognized that the Labyuetus of Herodotus is the Nabonneditf 
of Berosus ; but it will occasion perplexity to any one who attempts to arrange the 
chronology of Herodotus for himself, that Labynetus Uie Babylonian is named as 
bringing about the peace between Alyattes and Cyaxares ; for their war is older than 
the beginning of hb reign. Yet Herodotus (i. 1 88 ) says, l^at that last king of Babylon 
was the heir of the name and the kinedom of his father, and consequently this earlier 
Labynetus must be the mediator. Now, however, we are met by a fresh difficulty, 
for no Ibt of the kinss of Babel contains such a king. I conjecture that Herodotas 
must have meant Nebuchadnezzar (the similarity between the names is not to be 
mistaken) ; and it even appears to me that Amuhia, for whose sake the most gigantie 
edifices were erected, can be no other than the Nitocris, to whom Herodotus ascribef 
the great works on the Euphrates. This would certaonly be an inaccuracy such as 
might easily be occasioned by oral relations in a language foreign to the historian, 
respecting incidents occurring more than a century and a half before his time. 
According to the Babylonian accounts wluch have been preserved to us, NabonuedBt 
was certainly not the heir of the empire— nay, perhaps not even of royal descent 
Finally, I must in passing remark further, that the identity of Kadytis and Jeru- 
salem, which used to be rejected on account of the name, seems to be well estab- 
lished. Foreigners bestowed names on the E^ptian cities which have no sii^- 
larity whatever with the native ones ; may not the Egyptians have given names 
equally unlike their true appellations to foreign cities? 



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1863.] Armenian Trcmslation of Husebkis. 281 

The editors ouffht to have appended the remark to Castor's 
fragment (c. 13), uiat the mention of Ogygus amon^ tiie kings of 
the Titans determines and corrects a remarkable passa^ of 
TliaUus, occurring in Theophilus ad Autolyc. iii. 19. Both pnnted 
editions and mss. read (respecting* the war of Belus and the Titans 
against the gods) : — svda xai h Vvyos irrv^^Bis B^uy^Tt eir Tmpma^ 
<Tov' TOT€ ptcv T^f yjupaf SKsivrif ^Axrrif kkr^Betayifj vwv Se ^Arrutins 

So^rayo^ivofxiynf ^s "ilyuyof tot6 iql^iv. Meursius introduced tiie 
tieration o Fi^^, and this has been adopted as a safe emenda- 
tion ; it is now dear that "CLyuy^s ought to be the reading ; the 
name of that mythical king of Attica. In what follows tiiere is a 
chasm. Thallus explained the descent of the Titans into Tartarus 
by the flight of then: king to Tartessus ; adducing the names Acte 
and Attica as instances of the changes in the names of countries 
efiected by the lapse of time ; he was led to the choice of this ex- 
ample by the mention of Ogyffus. According to this, the passage 
ou^t to be restored somewhat in tiie following manner : ^pvytn 

& (fwep * Ax w, X. T. X. Meursius also conjectured the ex- 
istence of a chasm ; it is true, on very difierent grounds from 
those I have adduced. 

rV. The 33rd Chapter contained the list of the Stadionices, 
which Eusebius had borrowed from Africanus, who had taken it 
from Phlegon, and continued it up to the time of the publication of 
his own work ; and the Armenian translation supplies many littie 
omissions, and improves not a few readings of this portion which 
Scaliger has made known in the original. It is owing, however, to 
a misunderstanding, that Mai rejoices to see this chapter freed 
fix)m the suspicion of having been fabricated by Scaliger. For, as 
four-fifths of the victors are only known from this catalogue, fiibri- 
cation was not conceivable, and has never in fact been suspected. 
But Scaliger has made this list the basis of his lengthy *OXc/Mvia- 
Scvv dvxyoa^y in which he has brought together a multitude of 
historical events according to the years of the Olympiads ; a work 
which he has expressly declared to be his own production, and to 
which he continued to append additional remarks up to tiie time 
of his death ; hence, the last edition contains much more than the 
first, which has therefore been supposed by some to be ancient, 
through no frtult of Scaliger's. 

This list certainly possesses no historical importance ; but the 
respect with which an Olympian victor was regarded by the Greeks 
maxes us rejoice tiiat a monument has been preserved, in which 
the names, at least, of the StacUonices have been handed down. 
It appears to me, that reverence for the memory of the Greeks 
must lead us to regard such a catalogue with their feelings, not 



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282 Armenian Trcmslation of Husebius. [July 

with ours, and binds us to watch over its correctness and complete- 
ness ; just as we do not allow ourselves to judge of or contemn the 
favourite pursuits of one whom we love and reverence, according 
to objective rules. I wish, therefore, to stir up some philologist 
to revise this chapter, together with the intrmuction, in which 
work a knowledge of the Armenian language would scarcely be 
neceasaiy in order to make use of the tiremsmtion for the cntical 
elucidation of the Greek text. For this purpose, I have collected 
all the additicms and the important new readings supplied by this 
dSrd Chapter ; a slight labour which I thereby, in the meanwhile, 
spare to the possessors of Scaliger's Eusebius. Among those also 
which I have passed over as mere errors of the copyist, a little 
gleaning of useml observations might probably be maae. I omit 
what improvements to the 32nd Chapter I have collected for myself, 
as the few improved readings are such as either readily suggest 
themselves, or are to be gathered from the Fragment of Phlegon, 
or, finally, cannot be expressed in Greek with a certainty of their 
accuracy. 

I cannot proceed to the new readings without noticing a phe- 
nomenon which has always struck me in looking at this list : namely, 
that it is manifest how, from Chaeronea onwards, the importance 
and the extent of the Greek name constancy augmented. FW, Ma- 
cedonians also appear among the victors, and soon after, nations of 
the Macedonian colonies in Egypt and the Syrian empire ; then, 
individuab from all the peoples ot the Roman provinces of Asia 
and Bithynia — who likewise numbered themselves among tlie 
Greeks in Cicaro's time, and were called Greeks by the Romans — 
Lydians, Mysians, and Carians. At last people m>m all the pro- 
vinces are welcome. 

A. Additions and Restorations. 

Olymp. 1 , after kyi}yiav : ty\ Olmyp. 33, after Tpotreridrj ical : kIXtjC' 
Olymp. 67, after trpLaatvatv, araZiov. Olymp. 110, ^AvtikX »7c ^ABtf 
valoQ. Olymp. 120, after Mayi'iyc: hvtt Matay^pov. Olymp. 129, 
Tpofferidri irvi^oipcc irw\t«i), ical iy'iKa ^iXiffTtay^OQ MaKehioVj 
leg. ^iXiarlxri Maicc^ic.' Olymp. 131, after 'AXelavdpevc : frpotrcTidti 
fi6yiirwoc wwXiicoc, "^a* ivlKa 'Ixiroicpariyc BcrraXoc-^ Olymp. 
132, after AirwXoc: ^£ 'A/i^/fftnyc." Olymp. 144, after SaXa/i^vcoc •• 
Ik Kvirpov, Olymp. 149, after ^^cXcvicevc : ex Uicp/ac- Olymp. 153, 

I Namely, B^Xiarlxn (Pausanias, y. p. 155, ed. Sylb.), like B/Xiwos, instead 
of *l\twiros. Soaliger, following the passage in Pansanias, has placed this circum- 
stance as belonging to Olymp. 1 30. Belistiche is no doubt the concubine of the 
King, Ptolemy Phuadelphus ( Athenseus, xiii. p. 576, f.). 

^ This is -wanting in the Milanese translation. 

™ From this it is evident that, even in these early times, after the middle of the 
reign of King Antigonus Gronatas, the Ozolian Locrians, who entirely vanish fh>m 
history, were united with the ^tolians. 

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1853.] Armenian Tran$lation of JSusebius. 283 

after Aiff jScoc : «h 'Ajrfirirjfc. Olymp. 156, 'Apcorof^voc 'P<io«oc. 
Olymp. 172, after Mayi^c, &iro Matoi/Spov." Olymp. 174, Aiyi«o<r- 
rparoc Aapcffo-aloc*** Olymp. 178: There is the following additiou 
respecting the Stratonicus, which somids &r more miintelligible still in 
the Venetian translation : ' Et gymnica certamina sine equo peragens 
g^da amicorum vel reg^mn assecutus est ut in album referretur, quare 
nequeegisseputabatur.'>* Olymp. 186, after 'AX^favSpcvc: r^cTpwa^oc. 
Scaliger's text remarks against Olymp. 187, 2«nrarpoc 'Aycloc: and in 
the following (188) the name of the victor is wanting. The translation 
gives the foDowing^ improvements to Olymp. 187 : ^AfUariav €avpioc 
/3. 188. S^arpoc Apyc7oc. Olymp. 198, after Upovvaivc • irpoc 
*0\vfAWf. Olymp. 204, after oyhooc ^' *HpoicXcovc : according to the 
sense^ vvrtpov hk ohltlQ roioyroc d^' 'HpajcXeovc l^f-XP^ iifi&w 
eyiyeroy irapafip<i(3e{foyTidVy <&c (what follows has been misunder- 
stood by the translators). And then: Fdcoc 'Piafialtav kfiaalXtvt, 
Olymp. 222^ avivtvdri rwy iTrwbtv bhpofiog. Olymp. 230, after Aidvftoc : 
*A\£^ayhp€vc»'^ 

B. JReadtTigs which agree with Sealiger*s emendations 
(in the addendis). 
Olymp. 7, for Oi/3oXac, read Oi/3oV«c. Olymp. 14, for 'Y?ri>coc, 
read 'Yxiyi'oc. Olymp. 18, for Aa/ixiac, read Aa/jiwic> Olym. 41, for 
'S.vtcaptrriCy read 2t;/3ap/ri7c. Olymp. 64, for GcrraXcvc, read QerraXo^. 
Olymp. 65, for 'HpajcXf/Siycj read 'Hpauvc. Olymp. 70, for ^ucaiara^y 
read NcWac. Olymp. 105, for Uavpoc, read Uwpoc, Olymp. 113, for 
'Apyct/f, read 'Aycvc. Olymp. 238, for 'ATcy/ri/c, read Aiycv^rcc. 

C. Readings which, although corrupt, confirm Scaliger's 

emendations. 

Olymp. 8, for AiokX^c, ^uipKkfiQ (for AoucX^c). Olymp. 33, for JIpo£- 

cXXac, KpaU\as (foT Kpav^idag), Olymp. 116, for Atifto^iytiQy AttfwaO, 

(for ^lyotrdiytic), Olymp. 142, for Kapoc, Kaxoc (instead of Kaxpoc). 

Olymp. 160, for 'Ayw^oKoc, read 'Ayo'^wpoc (instead of Ato^wpoc). 

D. Headings which must be accepted fuUg or with very slight 
emendation, 
Olymp. 25, for GdXircoc, read OciXtic. Olymp. 29, for To^y Jjy i/J, 
read inixiiy ?v icjff. Olymp. 33, for Tvyic, read nXcc. Olymp. 80, for 
Tvpvfifxat, read Topvfi/iac* Olymp. 93, for £v«:aroc, read Ehp^fraa (leg. 
Eir/3^ac, as in Pausanias El. 2, p. 185, d.). Olymp. 150, for 'Oyriffi- 
Koarocy read 'Ovi^o'ticpcroc* Olymp. 204, for Srparocs read HiKoarpaToc* 
Olymp. 211, for KrfpvKkfy Ayw^a, read vro KtipvKwy. Olymp. 216, for 

• This is likewise taken from the Venetian edition. 

^ According to the Venetian edition, the Milanese has Lariensis. 

p As all are mentioned who have conquered since Hercules, hoth in Pale and 
Pancratium, this Stratonicus is probably the 2rp^oty Alyiths ^ *AAc(ai^pc2rr of 
Pausanias ( Achaic, p. 230, a). The Armenian translation ffives the name of his 
&ther as K6paycs, Oroa^us, or Corobaffius : fftlsely, for this Is a Macedonian name 
luscording to Diod. xvii. 100, and iEschines adv. Ctesiph. 52. 

** According to the Venetian edition; the Milanese nas Clideus. 

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284 Armenian TropMlaticn of Ihuebim. [July, 

IlaTriK) read IIcitci;. Olymp. 235, for 'Eparcvc, read 'EXar»c. 
Olymp. 240, for 'Avoi/iSl, read 'kyovtiiwy, Olymp. 242, for Mdyrijc, 
read Mnyyoc At/3vc. Olymp. 247, for SaropWXoc, read laropwi^. 

£. Readings which at least deserve examination, 
Olymp. 6, for Alffx^yrn, read A(<rx(<^i7C* Olymp. 32, for rptroc 
ahXfiiy, read rptic a^£X^vc« Olymp. 35, for D^acpoi, read Z^ip^r, 
Olymp. 39, for *P«\//oXim)c, which can scareely be correct, substitute the 
also corrupt reading 'Pcij^Xavoc. Olymp. 46, for Xpvtra/iaSoc, read 
Xpvaofia^oc ; and for Tlokvfiyiiifrtap, read TloXvfiii<rf9ap. Olymp. 57, for 
Aa^pofiOQn read Aaypo/ioc* Olymp. 65, for 'AicoxfiCj reid 'AmixP^. 
Olymp. 68, for 'itrxpfrnxocy Teaa *I<7o/iaxoc* Olymp. 87, for Swfpwr 
(which we also find, however, in Diodorus) 'E^pavopoc (instead of 
Bh^aywp). Olymp. 96, for K/^dn^o r^*^ "Aicporoc. Olymp. 145, for 
M6(r)(pc, read Topyoc, Olymp. 147, for KXeoarpaTocj read KXxirooTfxiroc. 
Olymp. 152, for ArifioKpiroQ, read Aij/ioicpdnyc. Olymp. 172, for IIpfcrTo- 
0dvi7C} read n^rro^dviyc* Olymp. 176, for A/wv, read AiKiay. Olymp. 182, 
for \vre<rl(»ty, read Avditrriuty, Olymp. 189, for Sc^wvioc, read Surwyioc 
(probably luvwyiot;), Olymp. 201, for Ao/ia<r(ac, read Lapai, 
Olymp. 226, for *0(ra/iev/ivc, read Zafifievc Olymp. 229, for Evi^vpoC} 
read Ehiri^avoc, Olymp. 248, for TpuKTihifia^, read TptaaiiaftoC' 

V. After the battle of C!hapronea, the writer averts his eye from 
unhappy Greece, and only returns to her history in spealdng of 
Qeomenes, Aratus, and the Achaean League, if this neglect i^ 
owing to the pain excited by the spectacle of departed greatness, 
it is certainly very intelligible, for the Greeks were in general sunk 
to the lowest point of degradation ; and like those of the present 
day, had become in part barbarous and ferocious freemen, m part 
utterly corrupt slaves, who, however, instead of being ignorant as 
at present, were cultivated and ftJl of talent, though wiAout 
depth of intellect ; at the same time, profoundly unhappy, and a 
prey to the outrages of the neighbouring warlike States, and of the 
darmg and lawless freemen mentioned above. Still, it seems to 
me to be an over refined sensitiveness which shrinks from the 
painful sight, and will not, even for the sake of their forefathers, 
linger over the fortunes of their fallen descendants, though this 
history deserves study and reflection on its own account It is a 
note-worthy and singular history which records how the most intd- 
lectual and gifled of nations was dismembered and torn by dissen- 
sions ; how it betrayed itself to the foreigner ; how, through enYj 
and treachery, it promoted the fall of its fellow-countrymen, who 
mi^ht have lent it stability, energy, and protection, and shared 
their disasters ; how the existence of a much more widely diffused 
culture them in earher times, and of great activity of mind, did not 
prevent the total extinction of that genius which was the fje- 
eminent national characteristic of the (jreeks ; and how degradation 
and despair led to the deepest degeneracy. 

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1853.] Armenian ^anslatian of Eusebvus, 285 

From the time of Philip, until the Romans restricted it within its 
own boundaries, Macedon became the centre around which every- 
thing groups itself in the historjr of Greece. In this whole interval, 
there are only three wars, the Gallic, the last Amphictyonic under 
Areus, and me Acamanian, in which Macedon does not play a 
principal part, either from the conmiencement or within a very 
short time after. Consequently, he who would deliver the later 
Greek htstory from the obscurity in which it is shrouded from the 
battle of Ipsus to the war of Geomenes, must clear up that of Ma- 
cedon ; within the chrcumference of which the separate groups of 
Grecian incidents take their place. This is no slight undertaking, 
for all connected historical books have been lost for the whole of 
this period, and the single notices that have been preserved, for the 
most part accidentally, require a careful comparison and investi- 
gation before theur chronological place can be assigned. 

The Macedonian history is also in itself the most worthy among 
those of all the monarchies that arose out of Alexander's Empire. 
A warlike people who always remained valiant, under kings, who 
nearly all deserve respect at least as generals ; among whom free- 
dom and national dignity were never entirely lost, and oriental 
despotism was never carried to its height, possesses no contemptible 
history. At Alexandria, the flourishing state of the sciences and the 
unbounded wealth and maCTificence of the earlier Ptolemies, only 
conceal the moral and poutical vices which issued in the unex- 
ampled turpitude of the succeeding tyrants of their house, of the 
courtesans and minions by whom some of them were ruled, and 
the ascendancy, during two reigns, of ^ the most contemptible class 
of slaves,' unparalleled in ancient history.' In the Syrian empire 

' E>rerY one remembers the despectissima pars servieniium of Tacitus. But after 
Joseph, the son of Tobias, had drained all the resources of Coele-Syria for his 
patrons at the Alexandrian court, and remitted the property of the beheaded 
enemies of the Jews, in good letters, deducting the costs, his nation gained such 
a footing, that even Jewish generals were to m seen (it must be allowed that the 
Eg3rptiau armies were always defeated), one of whom at least amused the poor 
exasperated Alexandrians by his name Onias (see Josephos contra Ap.), which 
to them had the signification of ass-man. So, too, the deeds of the great Jewish 
hero, Asinaeus, must have ndsed a smile in the Roman reader of Josephus. Nay, 
the court lowered itself so far as to take notice of the squabbles of the Jewish 
and Samaritan rabbis. The Jews at Alexandria enjoyed the privileges of citisens, 
except that they were obliged to live in their Ghetto, compnsing two quarters of 
the ciW. One of their chief privileges was that the Alexandrians received stripes 
with the flat of the sword, while the native Egyptians were punished with the 
scourge, the well-known symbol of the authority of the Pharaohs on the Egyptian 
monuments. Now, little as one can sjonpathise in Philo's party-prejudice against 
the governor Flaccus, — it would have been happy for the Roman provinces if such 
eneraetio and upright prefects had been less rare ! — still the senators of the Jews 
at Alexandria had undoubtedly a right to complain of a violation of their rights, 
be<»use Flaccus had allowed them to be flogged with this instrument; had it been 
with the sword-flat, says Philo himself, there would have been nothing to say against 
it Notices regarding the life of the Jews at Alexandria exist in abundance ; they 



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286 Armenian Translation of Misebius. [«fuly 

there subsisted many Maoedoman colonies forming free commu- 
nities internally, composed either of emigrants from Greece, or (^ 
Greek races. These formed the strength of the monarchy ; but 
Oriental despotism became prevalent by reason of the large 
provinces wluch were accustomed only to that form of govern- 
ment. The fieimily of the Seleucidap, however, whose founder him- 
self was not to be compared to those of the two other dynasties, 
produced no great and many miserable princes, and, at last, a 
number of atrocious monsters, under whose weak, yet savage rule, 
the empire fell to pieces and became a prey to foreigners. 

The excerpt from Porphyry which Scaliger nas published 
among the Greek extracts from the Chronography of Eusebius, is 
by far the most important, indeed an invaluable document for tbe 
arrangement of the Macedonian liistory. This forms the 38th 
chapter in the Armenian Eusebius, where it is given with greater 
completeness and security of its correctness than in the Greek 
text For Porphyry had added to his statement of the length 
of each reign, the date of its commencement and termination in 
Olympiads ; but the Greek, who sagaciously enough extracted all 
the chapters most important for the contemporary western history, 
or a copjrist of his, grew weary after the few first kings, and 
omitted to specify the Olympiads, whereby the statement of the 
length of each reign lost its guarantee against the errors of the 
transcriber. This is probably the reason why this fragment, 
which of its kind cannot be sufficiently prized, has seldom attracted 
attention or been made use of; and that, even since its publication, 
the statements in the Canon of Eusebius, according to the transla- 
tion of St. Jerome, have so completely maintained their authority, 
that, among others, the truly excellent and critical writer Eckhel, 
adopts them for the historical notices of his work, without doubt- 
ing of their correctness, except in the case of a single very glaring 

illustrate at the same time the condition of the city, which has nerer yet been 
placed in so clear a light as it deserves, and would richly reward the labour of one 
who should undertake a careful investigation. For the beginning of the fifth 
century, interesting contributions to it are afforded by an epistle of Synesius, which 
is not so well known as it deserves to be, although it must be allowed that it is 
somewhat Hellenic and unepiscopal in its character. In this letter, he describes 
his passage from Alexandria to Cyrene in a ship commanded by a Jewish captain ; 
it may be reconmiended not only to ail friends of antiquities and Jewish history, 
but also to all lovers of humorous description ; for if it runs into caricature, this 
is not unsuitable to its style. The captam would not steer on the sabbath, after 
sunset, althouj^ a storm arose, against which certainly he did not know how to 
manoeuvre. The stories of the i&abian recruits on board the ship, &c., trans- 
ports us into a world of which we know nothing from other sources — like the 
incidents in the Apology of Apuleius — and lend the whole a peculiar charm. Did 
the Jewish statesmen at Alexandria promulgate decreed and write despatdies on 
the Sabbath ? Against the storm it seems that they also did not know how to 
manGBuvre ; at all events, the State was wrecked while they were at the helm. 

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1853.] 



Armenian Translation of Misebius. 



287 



error. The Armenian translation shows that the errors are not 
to be attributed to St. Jerome, but to Eusebius himself. As the 
survey in the text of Porphyry is inconyenient, it will perhaps 
assist the general acceptance of the correct dates if I append them 
in a tabular form, showing the differences between them and those 
of the Canon. 



DATES GIVEN 

BT 

PORPHTBT. 



Olymp. A.U.a* 



114 2 
116 I 

120 4 

121 4 
123 2 

123 2 

is the Mb 

124 4 



(125 1) 



126 1 
135 2 
137 4 
140 1 
150 3 
153 ] 
157 3 
157 4 



430 
437 
456 
460 
466 

466 
472 



(473) 



477 
514 
524 
533 
675 
585 
603 
604 



CANON OF 
£U8KBIf78. 



Oiymp. A.U.C.* 



114 1 

115 4 

120 3 

121 3 
123 1 

123 2 

124 3 



124 4 



125 2 
134 2 
136 4 
140 3 
151 1 
153 2 
157 1 



429 
436 
455 
459 
465 

465 
471 



472 



474 
510 
520 
535 
577 
586 
601 



Names op the Kings. 



Philip Arrhidseus up to Olymp. 115 4 

Cassander „ 120 3 

Philip, Alexander, Antipaterf „ 121 3 

Demetrius „ 123 1 

Pyrrhus 

Lysimachus „ 124 3 

(125 I 
Ptolemy Ceraunus t . . » ^•^^^ 

Meleager • • 

Antipater • • • • 

Sosthenes 

Anarchy while Antipater, Ptolemy 

and ArrhidflBus were contending 

for the crown ( 
Autigonus Gronatas ... „ 135 1 

Demetrius „ 137 3 

Antigonus „ 139 4 

Philip ,,150 2 

Perseus „ 152 4 

Autonomy • • • • 

Pseudo-Philip 

Reduced to a Roman province 



5 6 
1 5 



* According to Cato. 

-f- In the Canon, Antigonus and Alexander ore named. In the 39th duster four months are ascribed 
io FMlip, 2 years and 6 months to each of hts two brothers. 

t It la ahnply owing to a slip of the pen that the text of the ArmenJan Boaebins, Immediately 
after the atatooaent that his reign laated a year and five months, makes it commence in Olymp. 124, 2. 

^ In the 39th chapter (which however contidns many erroneous nmnbers) the duration of this 
aoardiy is said to have been 2 years and 2 months. 



For the firrt seven reigns indeed, the only difference between 
them is, that while the Canon, in conformity with our present mode 
of calculation, reckons the year in which a king mounted the throne 
as the first year of his reign ; Porphyry, on the contrary, follows 
the usage of the original documents, which, as no continuous era 
had be^ introduced, reckoned according to the years of the reigns 
(as in republics by the Archon, Prytanis, or Stnitegus), and con- 
tinued this up to the end of the year in which the monarch died, 

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288 Armenian Trcmslatian of Misebius. [-Tuly, 

so that tiie year, at the commencement of which a certainpiince 
sat on the throne, is reckoned as the first of his reign. This is 
clear fipom Porphyry's chronology of the Egyptian kmgs, and on 
this point we shall certainly iK)t follow his example. Afterwards, 
the Canon entirely omits the anarchy under the three pretenders to 
the crown, and fipom hence onwards all is a series of errors and 
confusion. Porphyry does not reckon the years during which 
Antigonus Gonatas reigned over Macedonia separately ; but in- 
cludes the whole 44 years of his reign, from the time tnat he was 
proclaimed. Both the Greek and the Armenian text assert that 
he had been king for ten years already before he took possesion 
of Macedonia ; and the Armenian text adds, since the year Olymp. 
123, 2. Here is a double and very ancient error, which must 
not however be laid to the charge of Porphyry, but of his careless 
transcriber. Demetrius died Olymp. 124, 2,* and from this date 
to Olymp. 135, 1, including the year in which Anti^nus Gonatas 
died, are 44 years. Now just as ^k^ must be read mstead of ^xy', 
so we must also read 3. f. f '. t^. instead of SXo» m<T^ l »pyr6- 
pov, — Z. instead of I.* Unless we change this number, wtnA 
contradicts the history, we must ascribe 48 instead of 44 years to 
the duration of his reign. But it has been quite proved that the 
well-known piety of Antis^nus towards his father did not sufier 
him, even during the captivity of the latter, which cannot have 
begun before Olymp. 123, 4, to assume the kingly tide, or to 
reckon the year otherwise than by his father's reign. In Olymp. 
123, 2, however, Demetrius still swayed the sceptre, if no longer 

* He liTed 54 yean (PorphYiy, o. 40, in the newly-published additions which 
snpply the chasms in the Greek text) ; and as he must haTe been bom in 416 ▲.ux. 
or Olymp. 110, 4 (because he was 22 years old in 439 or Olymp. 116, 3, according 
to Diodorus, xix. 69), the year of his death is placed beyond a doubt. It agrees 
with this, that Plutarch says (Demetrius, p. 915 a) that he died after a captivity 
of three years, or in the third year of his captivity ; for an examination of all 
the circumstances leaves no doubt that the end of his unhappy expedition against 
Seleucus is to be placed in Olymp. 123, 4. Traces of aU these numbers in the 
passage cited from Porphyry are not to be mistaken, although the Armenian text 
talks nonsense, as is shown by the agreement of both vereioas. However that 
may read. Porphyry can only have expressed himself somewhat in the following 
manner : ica2 $ioT (the word which Porphyry especially uses) fUr Hrri if9\ fiao^lXwH 
Zh Iny 1^, fAoifos /A^p chro rris OX. /mc', frovs a, irwapiBfiwrat df o^^ 6 XP^s dvour 
4r&pf h av¥ T^ vmrpl ifiaoriK€vv9v. Kol fiXm ^6 SfXc^Mv 4p KiAor^a OA. ptcf* Ircc 
S', ficurtXiK&s r€ ^Xax^clr r^ Ibtu riis pxV OX. dir^tfaycr. In both translations, 
Olymp. 120, the year after the death of Antigonus the One^yed, is mentioned as 
that in which Demetrius assumed the royal dignity, which he sustained for two 
years in conmion with his fkther,— Olymp. 120, 4, as the year^f his captivity, 
and 124, 4, as that of his death. The error in the last statement would be ren- 
dered evident simply bjr the fact that Demetrius was dead before Seleucus under- 
took the expedition against Lysimachus. 

' As one error leads to another, fh>m this one it is to be explained, that in the 
39th chapter the duration of his rule over Macedonia is stated to have been only 
31 years and 2 months. 

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1853.] Armeman Tramlation cf Misebius. 289 

over Macedonia, yet over the same nations who were afterwards 
subject to his son before he took possession of Macedonia. 
Another error has been overlooked, whose existence in the ori- 

S'nal woi^ of Eusebius is proved by the harmony of Scaliger's 
reek text with the translation from the Armenian. It respects 
the age attained by Anti^nus Gonatas, which is said to nave 
been 83 years. But that is impossible, for he was the son of 
Phila, thiat excellent woman, whose wisdom, goodness, fidelity of 
heart, and energy of feeling in the wicked affe in which she lived, 
merit a more general remembrance in after-times than she enjoys, 
as a compensation for the afflictions of her noble life. Were tiie 
number correct, he must have been bom Olymp. 114, 2, or 430 ; 
for the ancients, in computing the length of a man's life, only used 
to reckon the years that had been com{>leted. But at that time, 
Craterus, Ptuia's first husband," was still living, for it was in the 

* A brother of Antigonof named Craterus, who is twice mentioned as snch 
(Phleffon de Mirabil. c. 32, and Prologue to Trogus Pompeius, xxvi.), can ocly 
have been bom of this marriage, consequently must have been a half-brother of 
Antigouus. Plutarch does not name him among the children of Poliorcetes 
(p. 915 d), and had he belonged to them, Phlegon would have called him a son 
of the king Demetrius, not a brother of Antigonus. He was an author (Phlegon, 
lee above), and is, without doubt, the very Macedonian Craterus from whom 
Plutarch cites a legend, about a last misfortune that befel Aristides through the 
injustice of the people, which is indeed false, though Plutarch at the same time 
praises his care in the use of documents in general. He lived at a time when, as 
the history of Athens had reached its dose, men wrote a diplomatic history of 
eariier times taken from laws and decrees of the people, and in chronoloffical 
order (as Philochoms, Androtion, Idomeneus, whose works would have been 
mnduable to us), and his work on the Psephismata, fhmi which Stephanus the 
ethnologist quotes up to the ninth book, appears to have been a collection of such, 
dmved from the innumerable tables ai Athens. A taste for such pursuits, in a 
Macedonian, a half-brother of that king, who proved himself more completely 
destitute of respect for Greek fVeedom and the old nobility of the nation than 
any other prince, wins our heart for Mm ; and as his merit had not been recog- 
niRd even by Vossius (whom I have to thank for the passages in Stephanus), 
nor by the Abbe de Lciiguerue, who in his valuable notes to the prologue of 
Trogus takes no notice of the passage where he is mentioned, I have, vaiSer the 
influence of this feeling, rescued him from oblivion, though there was no imme- 
diate occasion to mention him here. Further, I have no doubt that he was the 
Ma<»f^Qnian Craterus, in whose praise Alezinus the dialectician had composed a 
Ptoan, — which was suns at Delphi — iw^xriiyaTo, a free poetical work is not to be 
expect frt>m this subtle artist in thought8---(Athenceus, xv. p. 696, 1) ; for 
Alezinus was his contemporarv, and probably not ^et bom when Phila's worthy 
oonsort, the noblest of Alexander's companions, fell in battle. It is known from 
Platardi (Aratus, p. 1034, c.) how Antigonus wrested the Acrocorinthus from 
Nioiea, the widow of Alexander, prince of Corinth. Alexander was the son of 
this Craterus (Prologue of Trogus, xxvi.), and Antigonus carried on a war against 
him after the death of Areus (Olymp. 127, 4, a.u.c. 484), and before Aratus 
liberated Sicyon (Olymp. 133, la:A.n.c. 501). Alexander did not die till after 
this importap.t event (Plutarch, see above, p. 1035, a), and probabl3r not till manv 
years after, so that, by the way, Antigonus cannot have held possession of Corinth 
verv long, as it was lost to the Aoheans Olymp. 134, 1=509. 

To the new edition (1S38) I now add the followins remarks :— Alexander, the 
son of Craterus and the hushind of Nicea, is called king of Eubcsa, 'A\9^Mpov 

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290 Armenian Translation of EuhUus. [July, 

following year, that he fell in the battle against Eumenes ; accord- 
ing to all apnearance she was married in Olymp. 114, 2, to Cra- 
terns, and Demetrius was then only 14 years old. When she 
gave her hand to the latter in a second marriage is not mentioned 
in any passage preserved from ancient writers, and it is on this 
accomit that the error we have pointed out, failed to attract atten- 
tion. She was, however, already married to him, Olymp. 116, 2 
=«488 (Diodorus xix. 59) : and Demetrius had then only just 
attained the age of 21 (Diod. xix. 69). If we may thererore 
venture on an emendation which is certainly rery mild, we shall 
suppose Antigonus Gonatas to hare died at the age of 73 in- 
stead of 83 years, consequently fix his Urth in the year Olymp. 
116,4==440. 

In spite of the authority of Porphyry, we must reject as impos- 
sible the supposition that this kmg received his surname from 
having been bom at Gonni in Thessaly (which is moreover 
written with a double v), since Demetrius did not enter Greece 
for the first time till Olymp. 118, 2, and then did not advance so 
far as Thessaly by a great distance. Neither can he have been 
educated there (ycvoptevw re xaJ r^a(p^\s) ; he was a youth of twenty 
when Thessaly came under the dominion of his father, of whom it 
is quite inconceivable that, while at war with Cassander, he should 
have left his heir in the power of this savage enemy. Gonatas is 
probably a Macedonian word, whose signification was not ex- 
plained by contemporaries, and has been sought too far off by later 
writers. For as the foreign portion of tne modem Greek lan- 
guage is probably for the most part Macedonian, this surname 
may have been nothing else than* the Romaic word yovaTar, an 
iron plate which protects the knee, because Antigonus perhaps 
made use of this somewhat uncommon piece of armour. 

The 39th chapter treats of one of those rare changes of fortune 

rov /3M-(A.ff^arror E6jSo(at, Suidas, b. o. E{fif>opl»r. This island must have been 
conquered by Antigonus in the war already mentioned, to which war and con- 
quest a newl^-diseovered passage of Polybins must be referred (Exc. de Sen- 
tentiis, xxxyiii. 3, p. 454, ed. Maii) ; 4ir4Bwro XaXic<8«(f, kcU Kopl¥$tioi, koX ru^ts 
Mpai ir6Ktis itk r^v rmw rAvmp c6^tciy rois i¥ HoKt^otfl^ ficunkmai, iceH ^povpas 
€lxoif. This prince did not therefore inherit those cities; but after they had 
thrown off the Macedonian yoke, the^ submitted themselyes to him. Neither 
Corinthians nor Chalcidians took part in the Lamian war^— in all Eubcea only the 
Carystsans. 

Antigonus was married to a Phila ; no doubt his niece, the daughter of the 
younger Craterus, granddaughter of the daughter of Antipater, with whom she is 
confounded, as is the case with so many women among the Macedonian royal 
families, from the constant repetition of the same names, Suidas, & v. "A^kitoi 
(wrote) ««f ^Uor r^v $vyarr4pa * KmnJerpovt yvyajKa 8i *Amy6ifov ; — namely, a pane- 

f^ric. We learn from the life of Aratus that he arriyed in Macedon with 
erssras the Stoic, to the festivities on occasion of the espousals of Antigonus and 
PhiU. 

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1853.] Armenian Translation of JEusebius. 291 

whose frequent recurrence distinguishes the history of that period ; 
but an error of the author or the copyist renders the account ob- 
scure. During the siege of Athens by Antigonus, Alexander of 
Epirus, the son of Pyrrhus, undertook an attack upon Macedonia, 
in order to revenge the death of his father. The soldiers, bound 
W no oaths of fidelity to the king, who had not as yet firmly esta- 
Inished himself in his new realm, went over to Alexander, and he 
took possession of the country without resistance. But Demetrius, 
the son of the Macedonian king (according to Justin, but he was 
probably one of his brothers of this name), raised an army, and ex- 
pelled the conqueror, not only from Macedonia, but also from his 
paternal kingdom (Justinus, xxvi. 2). In the 39th chapter, this 
story is related of Pyrrhus instead of Alexander ; but we learn 
that the decisive battle, all the more worthy of note, because it in 
fact established the empire of the Antigonidse for the space of 
Dearly a whole century, took place at Deroium. This place is no- 
where else named ; indeed the topography of the interior of Mar 
cedonia is almost entirely lost ; but that it is correctly written, and 
not to be changed into Dium, is rendered pretty probable by the 
Macedonian name Derdas. 

Demetrius Poliorcetes had named two of his sons after himself, 
so that they were distinguished by surnames. The elder, the son 
of an Illyrian mother, was called the Sickly ; the younger, the son 
of Ptolemais, daughter of Ptolemy Soter and Eurydice, was sur- 
named the Beautiftil (Plutarch, Demetrius, p. 915, dX The 
former is never noticed ; he died young or in obscurity. The ex- 
traordinary beauty of the younger, which won for him\the affection 
of the philosopher Arcesilaus (Diogen. Laert. iv. Arcesilaus, p. 
280, d, ed. Steph.), and of which he himself was proud, obtained 
him a kingdom ; but was the occasion of his losing both throne 
and life. For after the death of Magas, who had made himself 
independent at Cyrene, Arsinoe, his widow, invited Demetrius to 
revive the dominion over Cyrene and Libya, together with the 
hand of her daughter Beremce.* But she herself fell in love with 

' Berenice is rendered remarkable by the circumstance that no flattery has 
endured so long, nor erer wiU endure so long, many as may be attempted by the 
incorrigible human race, as that of the astronomer Conon, who raised her name 
to the starry heavens,— a privilege which did not compensate her for a cruel and 
lamentable death. At the time when philologists still busied themselves with 
these now so neglected histories, very different opinions prevailed respecting the 
time of her birth, which may be seen by consulting Eckhel (Doctr. Num. iv. 
p. Id). Meanwhile, it can only be through precipitation that any one should 
have believed her to be the daughter of Apame and granddaughter of Antiochus 
Soter : for Pausanias, who is adduced as the authority for this statement, simply 
says that the marriage of this Apame with Magas was the cause of her father's 
alliance with him, and war with Ptolemy Philadelphus. AmonR all these Mace- 
donian princes, polygamy prevailed at this time ; a custom which was not repng- 

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Armenian Translation of JSusebius. [July, 

the handsome man, and seduced him from her daughter, who re-« 
venged herself by his murder, to which she herself conducted the 
assassins —like the Cenci ^Justin, ad he.). Respecting the date 
of this event, I shall speak nereafter in treating of the aulditions to 
Porphyry supplied by the Armenian Eusebius. 

In the chapter taken from Porphyry, Demetrius the Fair, who 
reigned for a time, probably not long, over Libya, is confounded 
wim his nephew, Demetrius II., the son and successor of Anti- 
gonus Gonatas. The Greek text of Eusebius says of the latter, 
that he took possession of the whole of Libya, and ruled over Gy- 
rene ; the Armenian adds, that he thus founded a new State. Now 
the sovereignty of the uncle at Gyrene is a known fiujt, and it 
would be superfluous to heap together all the passages in which it 
is mentioned ; but not a single author says what Eusebius repre- 
sents Porphyry as saying respecting the nephew, and if the hyjx)- 
thesis should be started that C^rene might have voluntarily 
submitted to him in order to defend itself against the Alexandrian 
king, and the miserable scantiness of our records respecting this 

Eenod be adduced in justification of it, I reply, that we do indeed 
now very little of the history of Demetrius 11. ; but yet enough 
to see that no other king of his dynasty was so little in a 
condition to attempt and maintain conquests beyond the seas.^ 

nant to their natioDal feelings — indeed, was perhaps a native usaffe. Greater 
difficulty is presented by the passages in Hyginus ana Catnllns, or ratner Callima- 
chos, in which she is called the sister of Eueif^tes. We may, indeed, at once reject 
the statement of the former, that she was the child of Ptolemy and Arsinoe, but 
perhaps can hardly refuse credence to the contemporary court poet, who in his old 
age took Gonon's flattery as the subject of not the worst of his poems. Moreover, 
it is quite possible to bring the statement into connection with other historical 
circumstances; by the help of an hypothesb, indeed; but in a history so miserably 
imperfect, hypotheses are certainly very admissible. It is not known, namely, 
who Arsinoe, the widow of Magas, was by descent. I believe no other than 
Arsinoe, daughter of Lysimachus, whom Philadelphus put away in order to marry 
in her stead his sister of the same name, the widow of Lysimachus. That first 
Arsinoe, the mother of Euergetes, was indeed banished after thw to Upper Egypt 
(.Schol. Theocrit ad Idyll, xvii.); but that does not render it impossible that she 
may have escaped to Gyrene, or have been peaceably dismissed (for it b proved 
by the coins that Magas long recognized the supremacy of his step-^ther and 
half-brother), and become the wife of the prince. In this case, Euei^tes and 
Berenice would be certainly brother and sister, the children of one mother by two 
different marriages. 

^ At this date, Gyrene had certainly been free for a time, for it was during this 
period that Ecdamus and Demophantns wrote laws for the G>'renians, and gua- 
ranteed their freedom (Polybius, x. 35, Plutarch, Philopcemen, p. 356, e.), namely, 
after Aratus had freed Sicyon, Olymp. 132, 1=501 (Plutarch, as Quoted above). 
The State was a prey to disorders, which indicates a condition of mdependence, 
though the kings did not interfere with the municipal freedom in the cities : con- 
sequently, either this island did not come into subjection to Egypt immediately 
after the marriage of Berenice, or, what is more probable, it threw off the yoke 
again for a time : for in the Adulitic monument, Euergetes reckons Libya among 
his hereditary dominions; but revolts fbroed him to evacuate Asia, probably 



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1853.] Armenian Translation of EusehiuB. ^93 

Under his sceptre, the power of Macedonia sank to a lower ebb 
than under any other kmg, and the ^tolians and Achaeans rose 
to eminence just at this epoch. The confusion between the two is 
very explicable ; only to whom must it be ascribed, to Porphyry, 
or to Eusebius, who very boldly introduced alterations into the 
materials he compiled, as Syncellus demonstrates ? I do not hesi- 
tate to lay the blame upon the latter ; for an evident falsification 
which afiects precisely this prince will immediately come under 
consideration. 

We must leave the question, whether Demetrius II. was married 
to Stratonice of Syria, to be discussed in our account of the Seleu- 
cidaean dynasty. 

His successor, the guardian of his son Philip, who was a child 
when he died, was Antigonus, known by the surnames of Doson 
and the Guardian, instead of which. Porphyry gives him the name 
Phuscos. This is again unc^uestionably a IVfacedonian word of 
unknown signification, which it would be vain to attempt to guess. 
With respect to his descent, it was till now only known from the 
Excerpts that he was of royal race ; and, in the absence of all data, 
it was no contemptible hypothesis of Reineccius that he was the 
son of Halcyoneus, a bastard of Antigonus Gonatas by Demo ■ 
( Athenapus, xiii. p. 578 a). This chasm in oiu* historical informa- 
tion is supplied by the 39th chapter (the Fasti of Thessaly), where 
it is expressly said that Antigonus II. was the son of Demetrius, 
who made an expedition to Cyrene, and of Olympias, daughter of 
Polydetus of Larissa.* Porphyry likewise called him the son of 

risings u» Cyrene. On the other hand, the desperate war which the Cyrenians 
wag^ against a Ptolemy, not 6i>ecified more particularly, in which they took an 
^tolian named Lycopus as their general, who afterwards made himself tyrant 
there (Polyaenus, viii. 64), can scarcely be referred to this period, but must be 
thata^nst Ptolemy Phvskon (Olymp. 154, 2=590); and Lycopus was very likely 
the same whom the iEtolians haid sent as ambas^or to Rome 27 years pre- 
viously. But if Cyrene was free in the time of Demetrius, it could not hare been 
subject to the kings of Macedon any more than to those of Egypt. 

' No doubt Halcyoneus, not, as it is everywhere written Alcyoneus. The 
remembrance of his dastardly treatment of the corpse of Pvrrhus (Plutarch, 
Pyrrhus, 406, a) has obscured the ikme of his brilliant — nay, fool-hardy valour 
which occasioned his death in battle, though not so soon as his father expected 
(Plutarch, Consol. ad Apoll. p. 119, c). U is but fair, however, to remember that 
he had scarcely passed boyhood at the time of the battle of Argos. Persseus the 
Stoic was his master before he came to Zeno, or perhaps acted as a servant, the 
guardian of his childhood (Dioe. Laert. vii. Zeno, p. 459, a). The impetuous 
warrior was the favourite of his rather ; tbe money which the latter sent to Athens 
yearlj^ that his * day ' (surely his birthday) might be celebrated (Diog. Laert. iv. 
Arcesilaus, p. 281, 6) was probably destined for the celebration of a commemorative 
solemnity af^ his death. In the account of Heraclides Lembus (Athensus, xiii. 
p. 578 a), Antigonus the grandfather seems to be confounded with Antigonus the 
grandson, for certainly Demo was also the mistress of Demetrius.^ 

" Respecting the brother of this Antigonus, Echecrates, and his son Antigonus, 
see Livy xL 54, and Drachenborch*s note, where, further, this Echecrates is 
Qonsidered as a son of Halcyoneus. His name is a common one amcMig Uie Thes- 
salians, and to the examples adduced by Drachenborch, we can now add the father 

VOL. IV.— NO. VIIL Digitized b^-iV/VJg IV. 



%di Armenian Tramlation of MMebnu. L^^^J^ 

Demetrius the Fiur ; — ^for the alteration made by the hand of the 
reviser in tiie margin of the Armenian m8. deserres to be preferred 
to a sense that is nistorically false, and destitute of all connectioi]. 
This is the state of the case : the passage refq)ecting Antigonua 
Doson is in the Armenian trandation given in perfect accordance 
with the Greek text, up to the words : r^v otpx^^ 9t\iwwa) vapao-ti^ov^ 
^ lii Kol vapiianiiv dvodvioHwy (Seal. p. 63, I. 46). The Greek 
text then proceeds : iirnpovsufjas iabv i% ern i/S'. l^vi^as Se wolvtol 
f rv) /M^/ OS rov ^vifA'nTpiov ulof Sv ol MocxeSoves* xoXoy EVoiyo^xa^ov, 
Xcjpis rov hfirpowou ami rrn pi*! 'OXt/^»i«Xof apyjkt^ ip^aro. But 
the Milanese edition is much fuller still : — * imperium vita excedens 
in eum (Philippum") transtulit: Demetrius cognomento pulcher 
mortuus est anno altero OL cxxx. Regnum deinde recidebat^in 
Philippum cujug curator et custos prsedictus Antigonus erat, qui 
quidem Olympiadis cxxxix. anno iv. diem supremum obiit, poet* 
quam annis xii. curatorem egerat, et vixerat xlii. Jam vero PhiHp- 
pUs custode remoto,' &c. At tills passage, the edit<»t( remark that, 
in the margin, ^ Demetrii filius ' is marked instead of Demetrius ; 
but pay no mrther attention to this reading ; because, namely, they 
must have believed that it was Demetrius 11. who was in question, 
the year of whose death and the length of whose reign. Porphyry, 
contrary to his usual custom, has not specified ; and for the same 
reason they alter Olymp. 130, 2, into 01. 136, 2, without even 
thinking it worth a note, only writing the interpolated number in 
a different type. Here, too, we must regret the over-haste of the 
editors ; for a little attention while writmg would have reminded 
them, even if they did not stumble at the twelve years ascribed to 
the rei^ of Antigonus, that, according to that, Demetrius must 
have died in Olymp. 136, 4, not 2. If, on the contrary, we accept 
the marginal emendation, the result of the correction and restora- 
tion of the partly deficient, partly corrupted Greek text, will read 
pretty much as follows : — TrapiicjKBif dwoM^fKafv. 'wv Sg tou Aio/u.io- 
Tpiov t/iof ov ol Maxadover xaXov flSvo/xa^ov, 05" ireXsvTyidi to) /S* frei 
J ... I II. — ■ ' — ■ — ■ — — ^— — — 

of the Thessalian Strategos, Pausanias. It is not improbable that Polycletns of 
Larissa, father of the Strategns Eunomus, may have sprung fVom the fiunily of 
the maternal grand&ther of the king Antigonus. As the prsetorship of Eunomua 
took place 70 years after the birth of the son of the daughter of this Larissean, 
it is scarcely conceivable that there should be any fiirther affinity between them 
than the similarity of their name. But one of the two we may regard with the 
greatest probabili^ as the historian of Alexander : see Vossius de Histor. GrsDc. 
p. 402, who has, however, neglected to specify the subject of his history. The 
quotations from it occurring in Strabo and Athensus show that it was an instructive 
work by an able man, who nad seen Asia himself. 

The Milanese editors have confounded the two Demetrii, and hence they 
torment themselves with needless difficulties ; how Demetrius could have had 
this Olympias to wife, seeing that Olympias of Epirus had given him her daughter 
Phthia in marriage. The mention of this error will render it needless to pomt 
out the rest which flow from the same source. 

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1853.] Armrnkm Trtmslaiicn of Mmbws. 295. 

netl kvi/JLeKnTYis o wpoiipvifxivcs ^Ayrtyovof 5», Sf reXet/Tje Jfrs* J' riir 
^Xd' OXt//u.Xf«Soy, iVirpowiViTas piev ««r* Ith d', ^ri<ras Jt wavra Ith 
MiS'. Before vindicating the emendation at the conclusion of the 
passage, I must make a few more remarks on the date of the death 
of Demetrius the Fair. 

It would be conTenient if we could adopt the date given, Olymp. 
130, 2=»494, but there are two strong reasons against it r irst, 
the very respectable authority of Agatharchides, who (as quoted 
by Athenaeus, xii. p. 550 b) related that Magas (Ued of suffocation 
occasioned bv his corpulence, after having reigned fifty years over 
Cyrene. I know of no other statement from which it can have 
been inferred that he died Olymp. 130, 4=.496 (Eckhel, iv. p. 124). 
Besides, it is easy to guess why the termination of a fif^ years' 
reign has been fixed predsely in this year. Namely, since Ophelias, 
who had abused the power committed to him, and made himself 
independent, perished m the year Olymp. 118, 1=445, it has been 
thought allowable to assume that Magas was despatched to Cyrene 
as viceroy in the following year, by Ptolemy Soter ; but & very 
strong though negative proof to the contrary is furnished by the 
silence of Diodorus, who would scarcely have passed over such an 
important occurrence as the reunion of Libya with the Egyptian 
empire, in his very circumstantial history o( the Diadochi. In the 
second place, however, although Callimachus, as a poet, was not 
bound to use expressions in their strictest sense, and Hy^nus knew 
nothing beyond the text that lay before him, and misunderstood 
that whenever it was possible, yet it seems to admit of no doubt, 
that Ptolemy Euergetes had not long been married to Berenice 
when he set out on his expedition to ^ria.^ But the Syrian war 
cannot have begun before Olymp. 133, 3, a.u.o. 507 ; and as the 
marriage of Berenice must unquestionably have followed very closely 
upon the murder of Demetrius, and this occurred soon after the 
death of Magas, the ten years, which according to Eckhel, or the 
thirteen, which according to the Armenian Porphyry, would elapse 
between the two events, is much too long an mterval. I do not 
doubt therefore that the date of Demetrius's death is incorrect— 
that is, at least in the number of the Olympiads ; and that the 

^ Catallufl, de Coma, t. U ; Hyginof , Astronom. ii. i4 (Leo), p. 400 ed. Mnnck. 
' cam Bepenioem doziaset nxorem et paucU post diebos Afiam oppngnatam pro- 
fectus esset.' I remark in passing that the Mss. of the books of both languages 
generally write the name Berenice, as is shown by the passages cited by Moncker. 
This is the case here, and is no error, but the Macedonian orthography, like the 
B instead of ♦. This Beronice is Veronica ; so also the St. Veronica of the legend, 
who is said to have received the countenance of the Redeemer on her handkerchief, 
is identical with the hcpoydai ^ aiuaf^oovtra of the elder legend. Thus, too, 
Piolom»ias is not a new, but an old Alexandrian vulgarity. 

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29& Armemmi Trmislatiati of HusMtii. [July» 

sending of Maj^ to Cyrene occurred during the pmod for which 
the Annals of Diodorus are lost— namely, after Olymp. 119, 3. 
Further, 133 cannot have been written ; for Ptolemy Euergetes 
was not yet king when he married (Ptolemaei filius, Justin., xxvi. 
3) : his father was already master of Libya, and left it to him. 
(See the inscription on tne moniunent of Adulis.) Assuming" 
therefore that the number of the years in the Olympiad is ffiveii 
correctly, we shall have to read Olymp. 132, 2 : so that Magas 
would have come to Cyrene either Olynm. 119, 4, or Olymp. 120, 
1, — that is in 452 or 453 a.u.c. ; and if there should be any error 
here, it can only be very slight. 

The Armenian translation agrees with the Greek Excerpts in 
the absolutely false and inadmissible statement that Antigonus 
Doson reigned twelve years ; consequently Eusebius must have so 
written ; but can the thoughtful, learned, careful master of his 
subject, Porphyry, have done so likewise ? Never 1 He, whose 
computation of the years at the end of the chapter leaves no doubt 
that he had, up to this point, verified the calculations for himself — 
who, after he had previously and subsequently fixed the beginning 
and the end of each reign, must have seen that the first year of 
Philip's reign, which he correctly places in Olymp. 140, 1, would 
have fallen in Olymp. 140, 4, if Antigonus had reigned twelve 
years — he could never have committed so egre^ous an error. 

Neither must we have recourse to the expedient of fixing the 
death of Demetrius 11. three years earlier (namely, Olymp. 136, 
4=520), as has been done by some modem chronologists who 
have not tested the inaccuracy of the dates in the Eusebian Canon, 
although this might have been done before the publication of the 
Armenian work as well as now, if not with so much ease and cer- 
tainty ; for not only does Porphyry decidedly place the death of 
Antigonus Gonatas in Olymp. 135, 1 — consequently the first year 
of Demetrius in Olymp. 135, 2— and assigns ten years to his rcign> 
but Polybius also says expressly (ii. 44) that this king died after 
a reign of only ten years, when the Romans, for the first time, 
crossed over to Illyria with an army ; but this took place in Olymp. 
137, 3=523. It is incomprehensible how a scnolar so clear- 
sighted as Schweighauser often proves himself, should have at- 
tempted to force a strange and false sense upon this passage, in 
order to save a corrupt chronology. It is true that explanatory 
observations often require us to engage in very tedious researches 
upon subjects that are foreign to us, for the sate of a single point ; 
but he who has not leisure and patience to do this, had better not 
meddle with such elucidations, which cannot be ^ven at less cost. 

There remain then firora Olymp. 137, 4 to Olymp. 139, 4 in- 
(^lusive, nine years ; and this number of years b ajssigned to the 

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1853.] Arrnenum Trandation of Misebius, 297 

reign of Antigonus in so many words by the ThessaUan Fasti, 
which first named his parents. 

It had long been known from Syncellns, that IKodorus, whose 
annals, advancing from ^ear to year, possess some authority on a 
point of this kind, likewise agreed in not ascribing a longer reign 
to this king ; and a German philologer of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, who had few equals, at least among his contemporaries, in 
his impartiality and discernment on historical points, has decided 
the question with perfect correctness ; yet his verdict has not ac- 
quired weight, although assented to by some able men.*' 

But again from Syncellus we also know that Dexippus assigned 
twelve years to the reign of Antigonus. The reason is easy to 
divine : he had, like the Canon, overlooked three years of anarchy, 
in the period between the death of Lysimachus and the establisn- 
ment of the dominion of Antigonus over Macedonia ; and when he 
afterwards came upon a fixed date which could be brought into 
synchronistic connection with universal history — the reign of the 
last Philip — ^he permitted himself to fill up the chasm, instead of 
exploring the origin of the error. 

it is siur^nising that in Porphyry (in both the Greek and Arme- 
nian texts), the date of the accession and death of Demetrius II., 
and that of the accession of Antigonus Doson, according to Olym- 
piads, are wanting. It is as little conceivable that he should have 
omitted them as that he should have committed the above-men- 
tioned egregious error. Did Eusebius possess a carelessly written 
and incomplete copy, and restore a passage from Dexippus ? This 
is an unlikely circumstance with a work at that time so new. Or, 
as he had previously in the account of Demetrius II. interpolated 
the falsifying additions, did he change the passage so as to min^ it 
into agreement with Dexippus, and strike out the dates which 
would have been a security against such a falsification, in order to 
conceal his dishonesty ? 

Livy places the death of the last Philip under the consuls of the 
year 57§, or Olymp. 150, 1. As he may very easily have frdlen 
into an error in transferring the synchronistic history of Polybius 
into the Roman Annals, we need hardly scruple to prefer the date 
^ven by Porphyry, — Olymp. 150, 2=574. This was guaranteed 
dready by the Greek text, in which the slip of the transcriber's 
pen, in the number of the Olympiads — 159, cannot mislead us, 
rhilip died, according to chapter 39, in the fifth or sixth month of 
the year ; but was it the Macedonian or the Olympic year? 

o. W. 

*" Ropertus to Besoldus, p. 250. My attention was directed to him by 
WesseliDg, who adopts the same view in his Notes to the Fragments of Diodorus, 
Fol. X. p. 381, ed. Bip, 

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S98 On the Samaritan Pentateuch. [July, 



ON THE SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH. 

In the estimation of every believer in Divine Revelation, the 
word of Grod poeseeees a value which it is impoBsible to overrate. 
Lake its Great Author, ^ who dwelleth in U^t inaccessible,' it is 
placed at an infinite remove from all that is human. But, of all 
the characteristics bdonging to the Scriptures, that which gives 
them their highest claim to man's homage and regard is their 
perfect and a^lute truth. No alloy of error — as in the case of 
mere human productions— dims the divine brightness of this 
heavenly lamp. Whether they narrate the course of events in far 
distant ages, or reveal the character and acts of the Most High, or 
dictate precepts of superhuman wisdom, or utter words of reproof, 
of warmng or of comfort, or open to our view the w(H*ld of light 
and ^lory — all is true — perfectly, infeUibly true. And it is its 
certain truth which renders the word of God the most precious 
possession of which earth can boast 

If the Scriptures of truth be thus of inestimaUe value, if their 
importance to man be thus incalculably great, of what consequence 
must it be to restore whatever is lost, and correct whatever is 
wrong in the sacred text ? Previous to the invention of piinting, 
errors and deficiaocies were of course inevitable in all books, ex- 
cept the autograph copy itself. The Bible, though given by God, 
has, it is well known, m no respect escaped the common fete of 
manuscript books. It becomes therefore a work of the very 
highest importance to attempt, by all practicable means, to restore 
the sacred text wherever it has become corrupt Every sentence, 
every word, every letter of the word of God is of unknown value, 
and should be sought with the same diligence as is seen in the 
gold-seekers of Australia, standing as they do, hour after hour, 
and day after day, paiientlv washing away the earth which con- 
ceals the grains of pure gold from their view. 

One of the* most important sources of critical emendation, so , 
fer as regards the books of Moses, is, in our judgment, the Sama^^ 
ritan PentcAeiuch. The nature of this ancient document may be 
ex[dained, to any of our readers who may be unacquainted with 
it, in very few words. It is not a version, but simply a femily of 
manuscripts of the Pentateuch, written in the ancient Hemrew 
letter, for the use of the Samaritan nation. In the second book 
of Kings we read, that when the King of Assyria carried the ten 
tribes into captivity (b.c. 737), he sent certain of his own subjects 
as colonists into their country* (2 Kings xvii. 24). At first, these 

* In opposition to Heogsteubera's idea t^t Uie Samaritans were whoUif of heathen 
origin the reader is referred to T^yiMTs Comm. inkiti* geutet SamaritaiKt, p. 1209. 

Digitized by VJIV/V./V IV. 



1853.] On the Samaritan Pentatmieh. 299 

new inhabitants continued the practice of idolatry ; but having 
thus incurred the displeasure of God, a Jewish priest was sent 
anx>ng8t them, *to teach th«n the manner of the God of the hind.' 
It can scarcely be doubted that this priest was provided with a 
copy of the Law, or five books of Moses ; for otherwise it is cGffi* 
cult to see, how he could execute his mission. And it is this por* 
tion of the Old Testament, as it has descended to us from the 
Samaritans, that is usually termed the Samaritan Pentateuch. 
The very high antiquity of which this document can boast, renders 
it one of extreme value as an independent witness to the text of 
the books of MoaeB. In vain bftve certain Grerman critics asserted 
the recent origin of tibe Samaritan copy. The character in which 
it k written — the ancient Jewi^ letter, in use be&re the Baby* 
tonish captivity — is a decisive proof of its antiauity : in addition 
to which it is jusdy inferred from tl)e contents or the codex that it 
dates fix>m a very remote age ; for if the Samaritans had